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COMMUNICATIONS. To the Editor of the FreePress. Common Sense vs. National Intel ligencer. Sir: I noticed in your last paper the reply of the National Intelligencer, Dec. 23, 1823, to the enquiries of the Rhode Island American, relative to the qualifications of WM. H. CRAWFORD ; asking what are his claims upon the suffrages of the freemen of these United States, &c. I should not have taken the trouble to read the ar ticle, but for a single remark of your correspondent: "I think," says he, "that it goes fully to shew the claims of Mr. C. to the Presidency." As I sincerely wished to be convinced of the justice of his claims, and presu ming, from the remark of your correspondent, that I had now found the desideratum. I re solved at once to give it a peru sal. I have read it, sir, and now beg leave, through the me dium of the "Free Press." to say a few words to my fellow citizens upon the subject. I will notice all the "proofs," adduced by the fntelligencer, in support of the pretensions of Mr. C. First. "Scarcely had he (Mr. C. ) set foot in the Senate of the United States, when he distin guished himself by the active and manly part he took in its deliberations by Senatorial el oquence, and senatorial wisdom too." ' Is it possible that Mr. Gales is in sober earnest? I thought he was to adduce proofs of his fit ness for the discharge of the du ties cf the Presidency; not ge neral and sweeping assertions, relative to his standing in the Senate. Why did he net de scend to particulars? Why not mention an individual case? Does he suppose that this vague assertion will convince ten mil lions of freemen of the capacity of Mr. Crawford to discharge the high and important duties of the office to which he aspires: But I will take him upon his own ground, Mr. Editor. I have read, sir, the speeches to which he alludes; I have read them with care and candor; and I think I have formed my opi nion with impartiality; and I express it sincerely and fully j when I say that I found in them no evidence either of the supe rior statesman or 'the superior man. And I venture to say, that he has never made a single speech which, either for the strength of its positions, the cor rectness of its views, the solidi ty of its argument, or the force of its deductions, can claim for itself any other rank than an humble mediocrity. Will Mr. Gales presume to compare the best effort of Mr. C. with one of at least twenty speeches which were made during thedebates upon the War question? that question upon which Mr. Craw ford opened not his mouth? or, to come down to the present day, with one of as many deli vered at the last session of Con gress, and some by mere youths? And yet these are the docu ments to which we are referred lor evidence ot Mr. C s xt np- nor genius ThelntelWncer says, that Mr. C. distinguish! himself by senatorial eloquence and senatorial wisdom too. ye cnauense me proois. i ne peo ple want something more than Mr. Gales's bare dictum upon the subject. Let him produce those monuments of "spint-stir ring eloquence," and "senato rial wisdom," and the people can judge tor themselves if Mr jC. deserves the eulogy which the Intelligencer so lavishly be stows upon him. His second proof is- that in the absence of the Vice-Presi dent he was once elected presi dent pre. tern, of the Senate. So was Mr. Gregg, of Penn. and, if we mistake not, when ycun'ger than Mr. C. But does that entitle him to the Presi dential Cljair? So was Mr. GaillardJ a few days since, but who ever thought ot making him president? If necessary, we might adduce numerous in stances to shew that the circum stance of his election goes to prove notnmg, except mat ins standing in that body was re spectable. His third proof is, ihi after the embargo ivas laid, he gave it his most efficient aid. Not quite so fast, Mr. Gales. Wm. H. Crawford voted, icilh every federalist in both houses, against the embargo. But we are told that after it was laid, when, forsooth, it had become a law, he gave it his'most efficient aid! Signal instance of disin terested patriotism! I had tho't, fellow-citizens, that it was the duty of every man to support j the laws of his country. Mr. C. it seems, gave to the embar-1 go "his most efficient aid," ac-: cording to Mr. Gales; he did his : duty, then, and no more. If, after the embargo was laid, he had wilfully thrown obstacles in the way of its operation, he must have answered for it at the tribunal of his country, and his j liberty or his life must have paid ; the forfeit Does he deserve a j reward because he did not play j the traitor? Besides, I find it difficult to conceive how, as a private individual, he could give the embargo "efficient aid." It had become a law; he could net step its operations; he could not facilitate them: Why say then he gave it his most efficient aid? He did not do it; he could not do it: the only way to aid" it, was to vote for its pas sage; tnat lie ciiu not uo. oo it , according to Mr. Gales, that obedience to a law, after it is passed, not only atones for opposition to its passage, but recommends the opposer to ho nors, office and power. We no w proceed to his fourth proof, and here it follows verba-j tim: "Uf the war he was one of the firmest supporters. Of this, were such matters fit for the newspapers we recollect, at this moment several proofs, be- ins incidents not in the halls q Congress, but in the private walks of life.17 Yes, Mr. Crawford supported the War but how? Was it in his official capacity, as senator of the United States? Did he lift up his voice against British oppression? Did he sketch with a master's hand the picture of our wrongs? Did he say with Patrick Henry, we "mast fight?77 No, fellow-citizens, it was in the private walks of life, in the chit-chat of the social cir cle not in the halls of Congress, but in the chimney corner. When the Senate were debating the question, then was the time: in the hall of legislation, there was the place. Fellow-citizens, let it never be forgotten, that while the question of war was pending, that "second war of independence," so just in its principles, and so glorious in its issue, vvm. n. rawiora was a silent looker on, in the councils of his country: and let us. re member, in addition, that the debate in the Senate was long, and the final passage of the bill exiremely doubtful. Indeed, alter a protracted and arduous struggle, it was satisfactorily as ; certained that there was a. ma jority of two in the Senate op posed to the war. The friends of Mr. C. tell us that he has a "gigantic intellect:" Could he suffer it to sleep at such a time? We are told that his eloquence is "spirit-stirring:" What spirit did if stir up to repel British ag gression? Then was the time to show decision of character, if he possessed it. We are told that his influence in the Senate was (eover-powering:77 Why did he not exert it then, when it was so loudly called for? Will it be said that he had not time enough to form an opinion upon this subject? The storm j had been gathering for years: j you had long seen it lower, fel-j low-citizenC; you had marked the signs of the times; and did you see notliing in them of por tent? You had formed your opinions, and Mr. Crawford had formed his. Why was he silent then? If in favor of an appeal to arms, why did he not blow the tocsin cf war in the Senate? Why not array the forces of his "mizhty intellect77 in a tormi- dable phalanx against its eppo sei'S.' If against it, why not take a decided stand, and fully and tirmiy avownis sentiments This is an explanation of the mystery: he was waiting to sec which way the wind would blow; he was watching the mo- ving ot the waters, that nc migiu throw himself into the popular current. That he eventually scave a cold and silent vote for the war we do not deny: but he did not give it his early, hearty, and effective support He was for a long time vaccilla- tinjr. lhe course wnicn ne pursued was almost tantamount to a direct opposition. He in gloriously fled from the danger and responsibility of the front rank, and took refuge in the rear; where wc find this oracle of "senatorial eloquence and senatorial wisdom," this "pro found statesman4" this influen tial, "spirit-stirring" Senator, hanging a worse than useless burden, a dead weight, ready, if occasion should require, to drop into the arms of the opposite party. The fifth proof is, that the situation of Secretary of War was offered him; which he de clined, alledging as a reason his incapacity for the discharge of its duties in time ot war. We are very much disposed to credit this assertion, particu larly as subsequent events have glaringly demonstrated his in capacity in time cf peace. The sixth proof is, that he was appointed lUinister to France, and that when he re turned he brought with him the esteem of all who knew him, particularly of La Fayette. I respect, yes, I venerate, that friend of man and champion of liberty La Fayette. If he spoke handsomely of Mr. C. it was as a man or a gentleman, not as a candidate for the Presidency. The next, that he was ap pointed Secretary of War; and, in the course of a few months, removed from that department to the Treasury. T forbear to say any thing at present on this subject; his con duct as Secretary of the Trea sury is now in a course of inves tigation, and it would be unfair to prejudge him. The last proof is, that he re ceived many votes in the meet ing which nominated Mr. Mon roe. By referring to the contra dictory statements, published by the friends of Mr. Crawford, in Washington, previous to the nomination of Mr. Monroe, a correct estimate may be made of "the magnanimity displayed by Mr.'C. at!&attime,in With drawing from "competition with the last of the Revolutionary worthies." I have how, fellow-citizens, noticed every proof of Mr . C ?s capacity, which the Intelligen cer adduces. Upon these his friends predicate his claims. On account of these they claim for their favorite, the highest honor in your gift And to what do they amount? I can scarcely suppress a feeling of the'ridrcu lous, at this "beggarly account of empty boxes;" and at your most perspicacious correspon dent, who thinks that "it goes fully to show the claims of Mr. C. to the Presidency." He is now 58 years old. He has been long before the public, and his warm friend and firmest sup porter, one who tell us he has been a "ner.r and clorc observer of his public career," has con gregated into one mighty mass all the shreds and fragments ofjyanced guard, and at 7 in the evidence in his favor, now. pours out upon the world the! sum-total of his gleanings. Fel-! low-citizens, you remember the old story that when the Devil sheared the swine he said, great cry, but little wool:" tho' this adajro has been in general use since the reisn of Richard II. in the fourteenth century, I presume it has never found a more apposite exemplification than in the present instance. Nine proofs arc brought forward by Mr. Gales: five of theseare appointments to office; one is the fact that he received a num ber of votes for President, in onnosilion to Mr. Monroe. Be- 1 1 a mcnts to office, shows the straits to which his friends are reduced: could they fill their picture with sterner stuff, wc should not be drenched with these nauseous nills of appointments. The question is not, wdiere has he been; but what has he done? not what offices has he filled, but how did he discharge their du ties? Was he accurate; was he prompt; was he faithful; was he firm? He must be lame, in deed, who hobbles after honor upon the crutch of office. I have purposely refrained from an analysis of the opinions and acts of Mr. C. .Not, how ever, because I feel a disposition to shrink from the task, but be cause I took up my pen solely for the purpose of showing the futility of the arguments used by the friends of Mr. Crawford, and the weakness of the grounds upon which he is supported. I purposed to confine myself to the article which appeared in the Intelligencer, to meet the writer upon his own ground, and to engage him with his own weapons. If the cause of truth, the weal of the Republican fa mily, or the general good of my fellow-citizens demand that the subject should be pursued, they may expect to hear again from A Friend of the People. Political maxim. Incon sistency is the bane of every great ana iruuu i i character: n must proceed irom warn i r l judgment or of virtue, and be- J O - , , 111 A trays a wcaK ncad or a oau ncart. cause you nave ocsioweu one storm on tire part oi tneureens, favor is that an argument for the j under the command of an eccle bestowment of another? Be-isiastic, Zerbino, who took it by cause an individual has dis- surprise. The occupation of charged the duties of a minor j the town and castle of Arta, by office, requiring but a mediocri-1 Constantine Bozzaris, is also ty of talent, and perhaps no-'confirmed. A large ship from thing but mere industry, is this j London had brought them a an argument for his elevation to ' great quantity of powder, can an office, whose arduous andjnons, mortars, shells, cannon complex duties demand for their; balls, and other kinds of ammu discharge the continued and vi-.nition. gorous exertion of all the pow- The government at Misso ers of tho mightiest intellect? longhi are making great exer This recapitulation of appoint-! tions to offer an effectual re- FOREIGN. GREECE. Lepanto taken. A Greek vessel arrived at Ancona, on the 4 th of April, from Corfu, whence it sailed on the 25th of March with the information that the city of Lepanto had fallen into the power of the Greeks, thti 13th of that month. According to the information we have on this subject, it appears that a breach having been made by the artillery of the Philhellenes, commanded by Col. Stanhope, the place was summoned to sur render, and Jussouf Pacha, who commanded there, having re jected all sort of capitulation, they prepared tor an attack with their whole force. It was exe cuted on the morning cf the 14th, a little before sunrise. Constantine Bozzaris, and Nicc- tas, the turkonhasre. led the ad- morning, the standard of the Cress floated upon the walls of Lepanto. Part of the Turks perished, and, it is said, there was found a rich booty in mo ney, ammunition, arms, bag gage, and effects, obtained from the pillage of Achaia, in 1S21, by Jussouf Pacha, who, accord ing to all appearance, perished in this last battle. Advices from Frankfort corroborate the above agreeable intelligence. A letter from Zante, dated March 13, announces the cap ture of the important place of Coron, the last bulwark of the Turks in the South of the Mo rca. This town was carried bv .1 . , t SI 1 sistance to the formidable pre parations, making by the Turks for the ensuing campaign. . A private letter from Paris states, that, in the event of a Congress of the Allied Powers, the fate of Greece will form a leading subject cf discussion. It is believed that the recogni tion of the independence of Greece will form the basis of this discussion, and that the on ly difficulty will be the choice of a sovereign the Allied pow ers having all put forth their pretensions to this nomination. TURKEY. An article from Constantino ple says, the negotiations with Russia have been interrupted by the illness of the Reis Effendi. The Divan assembles every mo ment, and even during the night. It appears that very calamitous intelligence has been received from the Archipelago. It is said with regard to this subject, that the fleet is to sail forthwith, al though but imperfectly equip ped. The famous Dschanib Ef fendi, known as the head of the Anti-Muscovite party, has all at once resumed his influence over the members of the Divan,who, since the 9th of March, have held extraordinary meetings, which were not terminated on the 13th, when the courier set out for Vienna. Tt is affirmed, that it was principally in the sit ting of the 9th, that Dschanib Effendi spoke writh jrreat vehe mence against the policy of ths
The Tarborough Southerner (Tarboro, N.C.)
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June 11, 1824, edition 1
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