v.
JVb. si.
HALIFAX, JV. 0. FRIDAY, AUGUST 13, 1824.
F0L. J.
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By George Howard,
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Mr. Editor:
When I submitted to the pe
rusal of the public, by your fa
vor, a few undigested hints, the
hasty product of a leisure hour,
it was very far from my inten
tion to engage in the Presiden
tial controversy; nor should I
thus have obtruded my opi
nions, but for the singular and
unprecedented course pursued
by the friends of Mr. Crawford.
Not content with approving or
condemning every measure
"without regard to party,"
which Mr. C. has formerly ad
vocated or opposed, and failing
to elevate him to the height
which the other candidates have
reached in public estimation,
they have adopted the adverse
course, and endeavor to level
the others by means the most
strange and reprehensible. I
have again resumed my pen for
the purpose of making some re
marks on the article which ap
peared in your last two num
bers (18 and 19) under the title
"Candidates for the. Presi
dency." "Mr. J. Q. ADAMS is a man of
splendid talents, a fine scholar, an
elegant writer, and possesses consi
dcral knowledge and experience in
civil affairs; but he lacks political
integrity."
Why so? Because "he cut a
somerset and vaulted out of the
federal into the republican ranks
i ti a way the most dishonorable:"
and, in evidence, his opinion in
favor of Jefferson's embargo is
produced. By way of illustra
tion, the writer continues: "How
different was Crawford's con
duct!" Different indeed! he
acted "understandingly" on
the same subject ; he cut a
somerset and vaulted out of
the republican into the fede
ral ranks, "because he had
foresight to know what the
whole world (i. c. Crawford's
friends) now knows, that it
would be a useless measure and
not produce the desired effect."
What reference the case of the
traitor Arnold, introduced as a
comparison, has to the conduct
or qualifications of Mr. Adams,
is beyond my comprehension;
but it is really astonishing that
professing republicans should
produce this act of Adams, in fa
vor of a republican measure,
as an unerring criterion that he
lacks political integrity, and
Crawford's opposition to it as in
fallible proof of political forc-
signi::
"Mr. CLAY is a gentleman pos
sessing some talents, but nothing
that will bear any thing like a com
parison with the efforts of the an
cient or modern school." He
c:aiserablv destitute" c
IS
"sound
judgment," and although "he can,
with Jefferson's manual in his hand,
preside over the House of Repre
sentatives," yet "he is unfit for
higher office."
To establish these assertions,
his being the principal agent m
effecting the passage of the Bank
law, Roads and Canals, and the
Tariff, is brought forward. Mr.
Clay is a western representa
tive; these bills will unquestion
ably operate to the benefit of
that section of the Union, and
have received the sanction of
majority of the Members of
Congress; yet wonderful to re
late! his advocating them is urg
ed as conclusive evidence of his
miserable destitute of
sound judgment. ("How differ
ent was Crawford's conduct!"
he acted understanding, and
repeatedly recommended to
Congress a revision of the Ta
riff, which he must have known
would be peculiarly oppressive
on the section which he repre
sented, and calculated to benefit
the manufacturing, at the ex
pense of the agricultural inter
est; yet this ' friend of truth"
states that "he is opposed to that
system of government which
will foster one interest at the
expense of another.") Yes, fel-
ow-citizcns, Clay, whose per
suasive, dignified, and natural
eloquence has heretofore been
considered the pride and orna
ment of our parliamentary pro
ceedings; whom the aged would
listen to until their faculties were
i 4, i ,
praspinal;, and the youns: would;
reverence as a being of a superi
or order; whose productions
have been cxultingly compared
with the best efforts of ancient
or modern orators; and whose
unrivalled qualities as Speaker;
of the popular branch of our
National Legislature have elicit
ed universal admiration, is now
discovered to be miserably des
titute of sound judgment, to
possess only some pretensions to
oratory, and requiring Jeffer
son's manual in his hand to ena
ble him to preside over the
House of Representatives.
"Gen. JACKSON may have
some uncultivated notions of milita
ry tactics, but that he knows any
thing of the theory of war, that he
can train and fight a large army in
the field, is not pretended by any
of his m ilitary friends. He posses
ses patriotism, courage, and invin
cible fortitude. The nation owes
him a large debt of gratitude, which
it is willing to pay;" but, "he is not
qualified for the Presidency."
The objections urged by this
writer against Gen. J. may be
classed under three heads : 1 st.
incapacity as a Member of
Congress, and Judge of the Su
preme Court of his native (a
doptcd) state. 2d. Opinions,
relative to the conduct of Gov
ernor Rabun; of the Hartford
Convention; of the Tennessee
Senate; and of party spirit. 3d.
Acts his vote on the Tariff;
suspending the habeas corpus,
and imprisoning a Judge of the
U. S. Court. 1 will briefly no
tice these in the order in which
they stand.
Incapacity In 1796, Gen.
Jackson was elected to the Con
vention assembled to form a
Constitution for the state of
Tennessee. The same year he
was honored with a seat as a Re
presentative in our National
Councils; the next year as a Se
nator; in which station he con
tinued until 1799, when he re
signed his seat.
In Congress he
acted invariably with the repub
licans, endeavoring to arrest the
passage of those hateful acts
which disgraced the administra
tion of John Adams. (How dif
ferent was Crawford's conduct!
Where' was "the champion of
the republican party," "in those
stormy times?" he was acting:
"understandingly" at Augusta,
toasting, complimenting, and
expressing unlimited confi
dence in the ivisdom and jus
lice of those measures which
Stamped such foul blots in our
political history.) Gen. Jackson
was then appointed a Judge of
the Supreme Court of Tennes
see; this office he accepted with
reluctance, arid withdrew from
the bench as soon as possible.
I will pass over his military ser
vices, as they have no connex
ion with his lesral attainments.
but one remark, in re
lation to the battle at New-Or
leans, which fully characterises
the spirit that dictated these o
pinions of the Friend of truth,
and which cannot fail to call to
remembrance the conduct and
expressions of some of these re
publicans during the late war:
"His (Caius Marius') victory o
ver the Cimbri and Teutones, was
as far before the battle at New-Orleans,
as the splendor of the meri
dian sun before a twinkling star."
Of Gen. J.'s knowledge of
the -theory" of war, I am una
ble to speak; but the history of
our country clearly demon-
strates that n practice he is su
. 1 .
thcr contending against the wi
ly savage or the disciplined vet
eran. In 1S1G, Mr. Monroe had it
in contemplation to nominate
Gen. J. as Secretary of War;
he declined ensraginG: in the ci-
n. Do 3
vil affairs of government, assign
ing as a reason his endeavors to
restore a much enfeebled con
stitution, which had been great
ly impaired by the hardships
incident to his military cam
paigns during the war. (How
different was Crawford's con
duct! he always acts under
standingly: after opposing, step
by step, the preparations for war,
and giving a reluctant vote in
its favor, he declined taking an
active part in its dangers and re
sponsibilities, and with "intui
tive facility" this "champion of
the republican party" retired
into honorable exile, as Minis
ter to France, until "those stor
my times" had blown over:
no sooner was the political hori
zon calm, but he immediately
again made his appearance on
the scene of action, and seized
with avidity the first office that
was presented to his view.) In
1821, Gen. J. was appointed to
act in the first place as Commis
sioner for receiving the Flori
das, and then to assume the go
vernment of them. After com
pleting the temporary organiza
tion of the two provinces, he de
legated his powers to his Secre
taries, his health forbidding a
protracted residence in that
country. In 1822, he was ap
pointed Minister to Mexico,
which office he declined, pre
ferring the rural pleasures of his
farm to the gaudy pageantry of
imperial courts. In 1823, he
was again elected to the Senate
of the United States, which sta
tion he now occupies. This is
a brief summary of the several
I civil offices which Gen. J has
filled, and for which he was
thought capable: and, need we
say more, in the discharge of
the duties incumbent on him,
he has met the approbation' of
the Executive of the U. S. and
of his fellow-citizens. In these
several stations he has acted
with integrity & judgment; and
his preferring a private to a pub
lic life, unless in times of dan
ger and difficulty, is the only
circumstance in his political ca
reer that can be construed into
ah evidence of incapacity.
Opinions on this subject I
have not much to say. When
private opinions expressed in
letters or social conversation,
are resorted to as evidence of
merit or demerit in public men,
it plainly exhibits to what straits
the writer is reduced. The op
ponents of Gen. J. not satisfied
with pursuing this novel course,
do not even hesitate to bring
forward spurious expressions;
witness the following, given by
the Friend of truth as his lan
guage to Gov. Rabun :
"How dare you to give a milita
ry order when I am in the field."
Gen. J. in his letter to the
Governor said:
"You, sir, as Governor of a state
within my military division, have
no right to give a military order
when I am in the field.
Our political history unfortu
nately abounds with instances
wherein persons, to promote
their own views, have acted in
a manner mat merited tne un
qualified censure of every true
patriot. That a "blunt old sol
dier, who is above disguise,"
should speak of such persons
and their "miserable plans," in
manner to give offence to
these radical republicans, will
not excite any surprise when it
is remembered that they have
recently discovered that the un
limited confidence in the ad
ministration of John Adams,ex-
pressed by Mr. Crawford, "de
served the approbation of all
honest men." That the embar
go of Mr. Jefferson was "a use
less measure and (did) not pro
duce the desired effect." That
the Hartford Convention was
composed of "quiet spirits deli
berating for the public good."
And, that the adoption of the
sentiments recommended by
Washington, and advocated by
Jefferson, Madison and Mon
roe, relative to party spirit,
"would leave nothing but the
calm of despotism."
Acts Gen. Jackson's con
duct in relation to the Tariff, and
the motives which governed it,
are before the public. It is to
be lamented that the southern
policy is, in this instance, so
much at variance with the east
ern and western; and contem
plating with a fearful foreboding
the diversity of sectional feel
ing and interest exhibited in the
debate on this oppressive bill, it
is a lamentable fact that as far as
the sentiments of the Presiden
tial candidates have been made
known, they appear to be all in
favor- of the Tariff. Another
charge against Gen. J. under this
head, is, suspending the habeas
corpus,znd imprisoning a Judge
for issuing a writ during such
suspension. A short sketch of
this affair, may perhaps afford
the best explanation of his con
duct. On Gen. J.'s arriving at
New-Orleans, in 1814, as com
mander of the 7th military dis
trict, expecting every moment
an attack from an elated and
powerful enemy, the Governor
of Louisiana stated to him that
"the country was filled with
British spies and stipendiaries."
Gen. J. suggested to the Legis
lature the'propriety of suspend
ing the habeas corpus. The
crisis would not admit of delay,
and while that assembly wero
slowly deliberating upon their
power to adopt the measure, he
proclaimed New-Orleans and its
environs to be under martial
law. A Judge of the U. S.
Court determined to try the
question of supremacy between
the civil and military power;
ho was immediately arrested
(not imprisoned, as the Friend
of truth has stated) and sent
without the city, where he was
left, with this order placed in
his hand:
"I have thought proper to send
you beyond the limits of my en
campment, to prevent a repetition
of the improper conduct with
which you have been charged.
You will remain without the line of
my sentinels until the ratification
of peace is regularly announced, or
until the British have left the
southern coast."
The moment the impending
danger had ceased, civil law
was re-established, which was
hardly done when the General
was arrested and brought before
the Judge to answer for his con
duct. He made a masterly do
fence, declaring "at such a mo
ment constitutional forms, I
thought should be suspended
for the preservation of constitu
tional rights." When the Judge
proceeded to pass sentence, the
audience became noisy and tu
multuous; the Judge hesitated,
and uproar ensued. Jackson
addressed the people thus:
"If you offer to resist the execu
tion of the law on me, I will order
out my troops against you, and in
support of the civil authority.
When our country was in danger,
I upheld the military, because it
was necessary to save the country.
I will now support the civil autho
rity, because it is necessary to pre
serve the laws and the constitution."
Could we require greater de
votion to the laws or the welfare
of our country? Assuredly not.
The opponents of Gen. J. fre
quently reiterate the assertion,
that he has violated the Consti
tution of our country, and tri
umphantly point to this act for
confirmation: that instrument
justifies his conduct, as an officer
of the general government, i:i
suspending the habeas corpus,
for it literally points to such an
emergency the 9th section of
the 1st Article contains these
words:
"The privilege of the writ of ha
beas corpus shall not be suspended,
unless when, in cases of rebellion or
invasion, the public safety may re
quire it. "
Will it be said that the pub
lic safety was not in danger at
New-Orleans? I presume not.
In this instance, as well as in
every other which has occurred
in the chequered life of Gen. J.
it can be confidently said, thaf:
he has no views but the public
good, and seeks no support but
the integrity of his actions. .
Yes, Jackson, who "never
ranked high as a lawyer," was
thougrht by his fellow citizens,
capable of assisting in the form
ation of the Constitution of their
state; of representing them in
our National Councils; and ad-
I ministering justice from their