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Whole JVo. 417.
Tarftoroif-ft, (EAgetombe County, JV. CL Tuesday, August 28, 1832.
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2e "North Carolina Free Press,"
Bk GEORGE HOWARD,
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A
FOR THE FREE PRESS.
Mr. Howard: As you seem disposed
to take a neutral stand, in regard to the
Vice Presidency, and only ofler your col
umns to "original productions," lam un
willing to interrupt your repose, or to ask
a departure from your original determi
nation provided you can find a neutral
spot to rest your foot upon; for I very
much believe you will find long before
the month of November next, that there j
are but two sides to the question and,
"he that is not for us is against us." But
to the point as you have declined pub
lishing extracts from other papers upon
the question of the Vice Presidency, you
certainly will not deny me the right of
making extracts from the opinions 'here
tofore expressed by those whom we ad
vocate; and aa I am not in ihe habit of
troubling you much, I take the liberty of
requesting you to punltsh tins communi
cation. My object is to represent Mr.
VAN BUREN'S opinions iu regard to
the Tariff, in its proper light. 1 see
from the New York Evening Post Ex
tract from a speech delivered at Albany,
July 1827, by Mr. Van I3uren, Senator in
Congress from the State of New York,
before the meeting to appoint delegates
to the State Convention. Mr. Van Bu
ren said:
"He should, he hoped, be excused if he did
not occupy their time in professions of friendship
for the domestic manufactures of our country.
They had no enemies among our own citizens:
U was only .when the question was presented,
whether that interest, like most others, should
be left to its own exertions, or fostered by legis
lative aid, that a difference in sentiment arose.
Those who receive are the friends of protection,
and those who pay oppose it.
"In 1824, upon the often repeated solicitations
of the manufacturing interests in several parts of
the Union, the whole subject of protecting duties
was laboriously revised, and the duties upon the
various productions of the country raw materi
als as well as manufactured articles carefully,
and as was supposed judiciously adjusted. The
law embraced almost all our manufactures, in
cluding the raw materials wool, cotton, iron,
hemp, lead, glass, &c. grain and provisions. He
had then the honor of a seat in the Senate of the
United States, and gave 10 the tariff of that year
his decided support. It was then said and belie
ved, that the subject would be at rest for a long
time but these expectations were not realized.
At the last session (spring 1827) applications
to Congress for a still higher duty on woollens
were renewed by the woollen manufacturers,
and a bill was reported applicable to that subject
only. The first question which naturally pre
sented itself was, why woollens were selected
from the mass of more than ninety different arti
cles upon which the tariff of 1824 acted: Why
was Congress asked to pass over all those and de
range the adjustment of 1S24? The reason as
signed was, that the evasions of the tariff of 1S24
were so extensive as lo defeat the protection in
tended for the manufacturer. Several amend
ments were proposed to the bill by members
lrom New York, but they were all rejected or
superseded by the use of the previous question;
and a bill passed one branch, without containing
a single new provision to prevent the frauds com
plained of, but seeking to prevent them by in
creasing temptation to commit them. He had
seen a statement in which it was stated the rate
f duties proposed by the bill would range from
2, to 1395 per cent.
Ie had seen many conflicting statements of
the nte 0f dutieg prescribed by this bill, made by
very :agacious gentlemen, who could not brook
even aqUestjon as l0 tjiejr accuracy. He con
fessed us faith had been much shaken in the
speculations on this subject generally, and he
feared that the instances in which those not
honest imposed upon the credulity of those who
were, were hot few in number.
One great objection to this bill, said Mr. Van
Buren, and one which he would make no apolo
gy for presenting very distinctly and fully to the
meeting, was, its injustice to the wool grower.
It was the decided opinion of the most intelli
gent wool growers he had consulted on the sub
ject, that as to them the benefit proposed was to
say the least, altogether illusory. The dispro
portion between the protection proposed by the
bill to the manufacturer and to the wool grower
could not fail to strike the mind of every one
who possessed the slightest knowledge upon the
subject. Whilst upon the great body of coarse
woollens, the duty was to range from 37 to 1395
percent, making an average increase of 15 to
92 per cent, the annual increased duty .on raw
wool was but 5 per cent, for two years making
only 10 per cent, in all, and the duty on wool
was not to go into operation till one year after
the duty on woollens; the consequence appre
hended from this was, that the foreign wool
grower would glut our markets with the raw
material, and thus enable the manufacturers lo
lay in a slock of wool upon their own terms, for
a long time to come, whereby the condition of
the American wool grower would be made worse
than it is at present. The tenacity with which
this provision of the bill was adhered to and the
sensibility manifested upon the subject since by
the manufacturers, had confnmed him in the.
truth of these conclusions.
In the House of Representatives a motion was
made by a very intelligent member from this
State, lo make Ihe duly on raw wool go into ope
ration at the same time with that on cloths. He
supported the strong claim which the farmers had
upon Congress for that measure, in a speech thai
did honor to himself and to his State; but the
motion was evaded by a resort to ihe previous
question.
After the bill came into the Senate, a motion
was made by a western Senator to raise the duty
on. raw wool to the same rate as ihose upon cloths.
Mr. Van Huren had voted for that molioo, but it
failed. To his surprise and regret he had seen
tiiat eveu the little which the bill proposed to do
for the wool grower had given great offence to
some of the eastern manufacturers. At their
meeting held at Boston to appoint delegates to
ihe Harrisburg Convention, the agents they had
sent lo Washington were publicly charged with
having betrayed their trust, iu not having suc
cessfully resisted any increase of duly on raw
wool. He (Mr. Van Huren) desired to know
why protection should not be given to the Ame
rican fanner, as well as to the manufacturer?
What good reason could be given why one
should be made secure, and the olher left to all
the contingencies of Irade?
Some instruction might be derived from the
course of things in England. There, as has al
ready been stated, the duty on foreign wool had
been reduced thus benefitting the manufacturer
at the expense of the farmer. What had been
the consequence? If ihey would look at the pa-
rpers of the day, they would find Parliament was
beset with remonstrances against the act, and pe
titions for relief it was (said Mr. Van B.) not
to be wondered at lhat manufacturers should thus
every where get the better of Ihe farmers. They
generally operated through large and wealthy
companies, between whom a concert of action
was easily established; but the wool growers
were scattered over the country, and took but
little part in the mailer. The agents sent lo
Washington, were generally very intelligent
men, and had vast influence in what was done,
were mostly appointed by the manufacturers, and
what was of no less consequence, paid by them too.
It was far from his intention to excite any
prejudices against the manufacturers. He felt
none himself and had no desire to cause any
in others. But if he should be driven to make
his election, he could have no hesitation in elect
ing the farmers of America as the objects of his
admiration and respect over any other class of
men on earth.
Mr. Van Buren said that having now stated
his general views upon the subject, of affording
legislative protection to the manufacturing inte
rests by wise and temperate laws, and his readi
ness to aid in the passage of all such laws, he
would submit some ideas of the mischief to be
apprehended from extravagant and ill-advised
measures. He ihen adverted to the facilities for
smuggling afforded by our widely extended At
lantic and inland frontiers pointed out theirde
moralizing effect on the public mind and stated
that in Europe all the marine and army of Cus
tom House officers could not keep out articles
upon which great profit could be made.
Mr. Van Buren said that in maintaining
temperately the great interests contended for,
reason, policy, and justice admonished us lo re
member lhat the manufacturers and wool grow
ers are not the only classes in the community en
tilled to the protection of a good government.
Of the great community in which we live,
how small is the proportion of those who hold
stock in factories, or sell wool, compared with
the, great number of those who pay taxes impo
sed by way of protecting duties without receiving
any immediate advantages from them.
If, said he, (which he did not believe, and
which he prayed heaven to avert) the manufac
turers of this country should suffer themselves lo
be marshalled inlo a political band to be attached
as a bod' to this or that party, or to follow the
tortunes of this or that individual, and thus ex
pose themselves to the imputation of rendering
personal fealty, ;n return for high dividends,
they would expose their dearest interests lo ulti
mate and certain destruction.
He had now done with the subject. His situ
ation with reference to the wool growing interest
was well known to most of them; he had farms
devoted, and which he meant to devote, to that
business; and whilst he would not feel himself at
liberty to withhold his aid from the support of a
great and salutary public measure, because he
might be benefitted thereby; he would forever
despise himself if he could be found capable of
availing himself of his official station to secure his
own advantage at the unjust expense of others."
It was this speech, in which Mr. Van
Buren declared, "he could have no hesi
tation in selecting the Farmers of Ame
rica as the objects of his admiration and
respect, in preference to any other class
of men on earth" and that "the manu
facturers and wool growers, are not the
only classes in the community entitled to
the protection of a good government"
which led to the instructions of the New
York Legislature, requiring Mr. Van Bu
ret) to vote for the tariff of 1828.
YOUNG HICKORY.
FOR THE FREE PRESS.
To 77e Campbells are coming?
As you do not deny the first position
of 'A Voter,' in the 'Address viz: the
constitutionality of the power to lax, be
ing vested in the magistrates, it would be
needless to controvert about the second,
the abuse of that power. But as you are
much more civil than 'Q,' and as 1 sus
pect a Justice yourself, I will endeavor to
treat your arguments for fire-proof, rat-
proof , jlca proof Court Houses, churches
and hospitals, with a Iillle more respect.
I cannot deny, but that a late act of cer
tain commissioners in your county to get
the Tarborough bridge built, was a ''ne
cessary" and inimitable economy, for it
saved the county much money, by hold
ing forth the idea, lhat cash enough would
be had, although the box was empty; and
the poor deluded contractor believed as
soon as the work was done, he would get
his pay: but surely you will not dare to
say, that the conduct of your Bench, was
not a "miserly" and detestable economy,
when they impaired the obligation of the
contract, and took the bridge in posses
sion too; thus leaving the honest laborer,
who had undertaken the work for four or
five hundred dollars less on the faith of
the county, to suffer still greater loss at
the hands of the shaver. But if the ma
gistrates of your county have discovered
that their Court House, in which the Le
gislature of the State condescended to
sit two or more sessions, has become so
infested with "rats, fleas and spiders, and
so old and crank-sided," that no proud
Justice can sit in it and "live," and there
is no one patriotic enough to "die" there,
1 hope the "good people of your county"
will be wise enough to see, that the
Bench ought first to be purged of all such
"screech-owl, cat and other vagabond in
truders," as delight to domineer and ty
rannise over such vermin subjects.
If it be economy, to reap the most pos
sible advantage from the smallest expen
diture, and 1 believe Dr. Franklin tho't
it was; with all due deference to the su
perior judgment of your Worships' uni
ted deliberations, I would enquire if a
transcribing clerk, to copy all documents,
and keep the original in a separate and
distinct small office (fire-proof if you like)
at a remote corner of the public square
would not be a cheaper and safer mea
sure, than the present fire-proof Court
House, even with the addition of having
every document converted into asbestus;
and as a reason I will urge that all copies
might be kept at hand in the Court House
in the present Clerk's office, and the Re
gister or an additional transcribing clerk
might, after copying allihe proceedings
of the Court and all other documents ne
cessary to preserve, such as wills, deeds,
guardian bonds, &c. keep all the origi
nals iu the distant office both offices
would seldom if ever be burnt at the same
time, and moreover if any paper should
be lost or mislaid in one office, perhaps
it might readily be found in the other,
or else of what advantage is it to record
wills, deeds, &c.
1 am not a man of great reading, but I
am not sure but you libel the British Par
liament, when you say, "Parliament le
vied a tax on the colonies to benefit thtm-
selves" for I no more believe the mem
bersof Parliament intended by the stamp
act to put the money in their private pur
ses, than I believe your Worships design
ed to pocket the taxes you lay on the ci
tizens. But 1 belive the stamp act was
for revenue your levy is also for reve-
nue. rarliament nad not in it a single
representative of the colonies the Bench
has not one single representative of the
people on it. Parliament was alone to
be judge what taxes the colonies should
pay, and when and upon what those tax
es should be expended--the Bench must
judge what taxes on the citizens are ne
cessary, and on what that tax may be ex
pended. When Mr. Grenville proposed
to enlarge the plan of taxation, by raising
a direct revenue from America, Sir Rob
ert Walpole declared, that in all the ple
nitude of his power, he dared not attempt
such a thine as to lew a direct tax on
those ihaf were not represented in the
body that imposed the tax a very lean
minority in the House of Commons con
tended against the policy, and but one
solitary man, viz: General Conway, de
nied the right to Parliament. In Nash
county a lean minority of five or six only
dissented to principle or pojicy in Edge
combe, 1 believe, not one" member tho't
or cared a fig for either it required no
stretch of conscience or sheepskin autho
rity, to obtain the unanimous Vole of the
Bench, to tax and appropriate for n fire
proof Court House, tis but a Court House
at last. And cannot that same Bench
tax and appropriate for all that part of
the Rail Road in Edgecombe? tis but a
road at most, and the law gives the Bench
the power to make, cut, and cause to bo
made and cut, all necessary roads; and
does not say where, or what kind, except
dimensions and quality.
That great political economist, Fene
lon, asked his pupil the Duke of Burgun
dy, "Which is preferable, a city proud
of its marble, gold and silver, with an un
filled and barren country, or a well culti
vated and fruitful country, with a city that
is modest in its buildings and manners!"
and asserts that the former resembles
"a monster, whose enormous head beara
no proportion to its starved and meagre
body." "There are," said he, "two evils
in government hardly ever cured. The
first is an unjust -and too violent a power
in the prince; he accustoms himself to
know no law but his own absolute will,
he curbs not his passions, he may do any
thing; but by being able lo do any thing,
he saps the very foundation of his power.
He has no certain rule of government;
every one strives to flatter him most; he
has no subjects left him; all are slaves.
Every thing gives way; the wise-fly, hide
themselves, and mourn in private. No
thing but a sudden and violent revolution
can reduce this overflowing power into
its natural channel, and the measures
which might circumscribe, often irrecov
erably destroy it. Nothing is so near a
fatal fall as authority stretched too far."
"The olher is luxury. 'A whole people
look on the most superfluous things as
the necessaries of life, which were un
known thirty years before; it is called a
good taste, the perfection of art and the
politeness of the nation. Every one
lives above his circumstances; the rich,
through ostentation, and to glory in their
riches; others through a false sense of
(continued on the last page.)