or run mntiicantinb
FOR THE FEB PRESS.
If- Howard: For the information o
your cu.rcspon.Io.it of the 4th i"st. in
relation to the privilege ol hrankmg.
I request you to publish the following
section of the act of Congress passed
ihe 2d March, 1827.
Section 1. Ami be it further enacted, That
the Commissioners of the Navy Hoard, the At!
j-jtant General, Inspectors General, Commissary
General. Quartermasters General, Paymaster
General, tho Secretary of the Senate, Clerk of
the House of Representatives, and the Superin
tendent of ihe Patent Ofiice, be authorized to
frank, and to receive letters and packets by post
free of postage and tint no other persons or Offi
cers, excepting those enumerated herein, and in
the act to 44 reduce into one the several acts es
tablishing and regulating the Post Office De
partment," passed on the 3d March, 1S25, shall
he authorized to frank or to receive letters
through the mail, free of postage.
P. S. Tho only limit of the franking
privilege of the Clerk of the House of
Representatives is, that he cannot frank
a package weighing more than three
pounds, because, by law, any package o
ver that weight is not to be carried in the
mail.
FOIt THE FREE PRESS.
27zc removal of the Public Depositcs, c.
Mr. Howard: I am n friend to the
President of the United States my vole
has twice contributed to elevate him, to
the exalted station he now occupies, his
patriotism, his noble bearing on the field
of battle, has long since won my unqual
ified admiration; as have much of the
foreign and domestic policy of his ad
ministration 15 ij t these are "trifles light
as air" vhcn placed as offsets to his en
croachments on our Constitution I have
a pious veneration for that instrument, far
more intense, than for the splendor ofi
any man's career, for whenever the muti-j
lation of our Constitution is accomplish ;
ed, our freedom, our civil liberty will
cease to exist. The passing events of
our political history, admonish us to be
vigilant sentinels on the watchtower
the removal of the deposites from the
3ankof the U. States, the substitution of
local Banks as the proper depository for
the public funds, upon the authority of
the President ot the tinted States are
dangerous, very dangerous assumptions
of power. What right has the President
to loan out the public money, can any
gentleman put his finger on the clause,
cither in our Constitution or laws which
gives him that prerogative! ! fancy he
cannot but he can give us a precedent,
he can go back to the period when Air.
Crawford was Secretary of the Treasu
ry. It is the precedent, on which a por
tion of the friends of Gen. Jackson, jus
tify the removal of the deposites. But
to use the exact words of a distinguished
Senator in Congress, (Six. Leigh) it will
be perceived that "Mr. Crawford was not
appointed to succeed another ofiicer,
displaced for refusing, in the exercise
of a discretion confided to him, to with
draw the public deposites from the Bank
of the United States, at the President's
bidding. So that, at most, the only ques
tion, which his conduct presented, was
a question upon the construction of the
charter of the Bank, as to the reasons for
which the Secretary might withdraw the
deposites, neither did Mr. Crawford with
draw any money from the Bank, which
had been deposited there; ho only omit
ted to transfer to it moneys which had
been previously deposited in some of the
State Banks, consisting of balances of
which the Bank of the United States was
no nntvillinrr t n mnn!.... i.
make, the transfer and the transaction
was of so little consideration in his mind,
that he forgot to report the proceeding,
and the reasons for it, to Congress, nei
ther was it ever approved or sanction
ed." It is my opinion thnt Gen. Jack
son, has become too popular, and that if
he is much more idolized, he will be total
ly unfit for public service. 1 wish ihe
old gentleman, a speedy deliverance from
lit s present dilemma from many of hjs
friends, 1 mean his right or wrong friends.
is very obvious, that a man of ex
trcmc popularity, is of ull olhcr bci
the greatest compound of mysteries in the
inivcrso. You will find concentrated in
jus proper person, all the elements of
imbition, self-promotion, and solf-idola-
y these are dangerous associates for
'lis honor, his political integrity, his pat
riotism, and the many other virtues,
which ennoble his heart; this being the
fact, 1 am totally opposed to tho delusive
solecism that a popular man cannot err;
for to admit it, would bo assuming an in
fallibility incompatible with the moral
code of civilization. Our admiration for
any man, whether as a statesman or a
warrior, should never so far bewitch us,
that in our personal or political predilec
tion for the man, we should hazard the
destruction of our institutions, our civil
liberty and our long cherished constitu
tional Union. It is my humble opinion,
that if the liberties of our country be
ever subverted it will be, by the popular
influence of some man, coming in con
tact with our Constitution and laws. We
have been all taught, by our love of free
dom, to detest oppression and to vindi
cate the truth, that man is "capable of
self government" and that oppression,
whether by a tariff of duties, the monop
oly of a powerful monied aristocracy, or
the popular sway of an individual, is fa
tal to the vital principles of constitution
al liberty. The preservation of the Con
stitution of our country, should be next to
the preservation of our natural or phys
ical constitutions; for the stability of our
political constitution, bears the same re
lation to our civil and religious freedom,
that the enjoyment of heal I li and strength
do, to the constitution of our bodies.
The removal of the deposites, the rc
chartering of the Bank of the United
Stales, the substitution of local Banks as
the proper depository for the public
money, &c. are subjects which embrace
many important considerations & involve
high and vita! constitutional principles.
Our country is agitated and convulsed
throughout all its ramifications the
steed frets our political harness needs
mending something is amiss; it may
be the collar, the saddle, the curb or
the crupper, it is something it may be
the spurs of the rider many opposite
causes arc alleged for the distress pre
vailing in this country: one party confi
dent of its own purity and political saga
city see the worm which has caused all
this distress another the same and so
on But the real cause is this the bank
wished a recharter and opposed Gen.
Jackson's elevation; Gcd. Jackson wish
ed to be re-elected and opposed tho re
chartering of the Bank. This struggle
for the mastery, deranged the currency of
the country and lias thrown the whole
prosperity of commerce in confusion
and by the way, the removal of the pub
lic money, from the United States Bank,
to the vaults of favorite State Banks, has
added much to disturb public tranquility
as regards the safety of our Constitu
tion. And whether the mere removal of
the public deposites to local Banks, has
had any agency in producing the loss of
continence in ihe commercial communi
ty and the decline of the products of the
soil, or not, 1 present tho following res
olutions, for the consideration of such
persons, as feel a veneration for the laws
and Constitution of their country
Resolved, That the removal of the
public deposites, from the Bank of the
U. States, by the Secretary of the Treasu
ry, under the authority of the President
of the U. States, to certain favorite lo
cal Banks, is unconstitutional, inexpedi
ent and meets with my decided disap
probation, in as much as there is no
clause, either in our Constitution or laws,
which authorizes the President to loan
out the people's money, either to favor
ed or unfavored State Banks.
Resolved, That the union of the Purse
with ihe Sword, is a political connection
of dangerous import and should be u
nanimously opposed by the American
people.
Resolved, Tiat the Bank of the Uni
ted States, whether unconstitutional or
not, is dangerous to our liberties, and
should be permitted to expire in peace.
Resolved, That the public depositcs,
ought to be restored to the Bank of the
United States and if done, it fails to re
store prosperity and tranquility, it will
nevertheless make some amends for the
violation of our Constitution and laws.
A Citizen of Edgecombe.
FRIDAY, APRIL 18, ISM.
(JVVe subjoin the remarks of the Hon. W.
P. Mangum, on the presentation to the Senate
of the resolutions recently adopted by the citi
zens of this place and vicinity. It will be seen,
alo, on perusing the article which follows the
Hon. Senator's remarks, that a correspondent
has kindly relieved us from the task of taking a
special notice of them.
Mr. Makgum said, it was matter of re
gret to him, that any portion of his con
stituents should regard his opposition
here to the recent measures of the Ad
ministration ns marked with "captious1
ness and asperity," and that feeling was
increased by such an opinion being en
tertained in the old patriotic and repub
lican county of Edgecombe. He was
not surprised, however. That county
was hot more remarkable for its republi
can principles than for throwing almost
its entire mass in the same direction up
on every great question. lie had had
the pleasure of regarding its citizens
heretofore, as being as friendly to him in
all his political enterprises as any in the
State, so far from his residence. lie en
tertained a profound respect for their o
pinions, and received a rebuke from that
quarter with all humility. They were
old friends, honest in their purposes, and
entitled to, as they possessed, his entire
respect.
In the great campaign of 1824, when all
the political elements throughout the en
tire South, were in active commotion, he
had the honor to stand shoulder to shoul
der with the citizens of Edgecombe.
They, as well as he, were then thorough
ly anti-Jackson. They went through
that contest with manly firmness, deserv
ing, though they could not command,
success. During the succeeding ad
ministration, they separated for a mo
ment, lie, Mr. M. believed he was in
advance of them, in his assaults upon
that administration, lie soon had the
pleasure to find that ihe people of Edge
combe went gallantly into that contest,
and they were again side by side through
out the struggle which terminated in the
election of the present Chief Magistrate.
Mr. Mangum said, he again found him
self separnted from that county, but he
Mad a strong belief, it would turn out
now as before, only a temporary separa
tionthat he was only a little in advance,
combatting the unwarrantable encroach
ments of Executive power. For in the
light of encroachments, he was compell
ed to regard the late Executive measures
in reference to the depositcs. Time is
an essential element in the rectification
of error and in the testing of sound opin
ion. Upon that issue he put his conduct
with due humility, but in candor he was
bound to say with undoubting confi
dence; he might be in error, but upon tho
developments of time, he rested with a
full and confiding faith. If those deve
lopments shall exhibit his error, he trus
ted he should not be deficient in a due
share of magnanimity to avow tho error
freely and unqualifiedly. If, on the con
trary, the error shall be found on the side
of his constituents of Edgecombe, their
former history gives assurance of a
prompt acknowledgment of it, and an
ample reparation.
He was glad to hear their opinions, as
no snouKi oeio near the opinions of eve
ry county in the State. He should be en
lightened by them in his course, and aid
ed in the discharge of his duties. So far
ns he had heard, or had reason to believe
the opinions of tho State were as he had
represented them on a former occasion
He believed that a large, a very larr(
majority of the State, was opposed to the
late measures of the administration. n
uight be in error, but time will tell.
dl events, judging from information re
vived from every quarter of the State"
io could not doubt it. He should be sor'
ry to know, that he had indulged a spjrjt
of "captiousness," or had spoken h,..
tofore with feelings of undue "arieritv'"
He received the rebuke, however, iu a
spirit of candor, and with no feelin 0
unkindness. Yet he must believe, tMUI
in the discharge of his duties, he had been
deficient in nothing but in the vigor o'"
the arm that aimed the blow at bold arid
lawless Executive encroachment.
FOR THE FREE PRESS.
Senator Mangum. For the first time
I have learned from the remarks of ;vjr
M angum, upon the resolutions adoptee?
at u public meeting held in this place
that at any period, the county of Kde
combe supported the administration!'
Mr. Adams; and I confess myself at some
loss to know upon what facts such a dec
laration was predicated. In the Presi
dential election of 1824, the county of
Edgecombe gave a larger vote to Mr.
Crawford than was obtained by the com
bined ticket upon which the opposition to
Mr. Crawford united. The election of
Mr. Adams by the House of Represents
lives in the January of the succeeding
year, it is well remembered, produced ge-
neral dissatisfaction throughout the entire
South; and as soon as the principles nn.
on which the new administration would
be conducted, were indicated in the first
annual .Message of Mr. Adams, the coun
ty of Edgecombe was among the first to
raise the standard of opposition. So u
niversal was this feeling that at the elec
tion in 1828, there were but two individ
uals in the town of Tarborotigh who vo
ted the Adams ticket. Mr. Mangum
must have bottomed his assertion upon
the fact that at the election in 1825. the
then and present Representative from the
district was superseded. The success
ful candidate though resident in the
county, was not its favorite and obtained
but little more than one-fifth ot its votes.
That election turned mainly upon the
caucus question, and the friends of the
famous "People's Ticket, by unfair unci
heated appeals to the honest prejudices
of the people, succeeded in driving fora
season more than one honest man from
the service of the country.
Edgecombe, 1 believe, has never fal
tered in her course. From ihe adoption
of the Federal Constitution down to the
period from which the Hon. Senator es
says to sketch her history, she has main
tained and supported the principles for
which she contended at the birth of the
great political parties that for so long a
time divided the country. In the great
civil revolution, which was accomplished
in 1801, by the election of Mr. Jefferson,
then as now, Edgecombe was ranged on
the side of the people. Through tho
stormy conflicts of party that preceded
and followed the war of 1812, she still ad
hered to the principles to which she had
pledged herself in 1801.
How the course of the Hon. Senator
will abide so close a scrutiny, let impar
tial history tell. I think it was about the
close of the war, that Senator Mangum
camo into life and his first appearance
upon the political arena, was signalized
by a most violent and determined sup
port of the federal candidate for Con
gress, in the district of which himself was
afterwards the representative. Mr. Man
gum continued in full communion with
that party, up to a certain period, about
which, a vacancy occurred upon the Cir
cuit Court Bench. Then, for the first
time, if 1 have been correctly informed,
his first love was abandoned and new po
litical attachments formed. In alluding
to this incident of the early history of
Mr. Mangum, it is not my intention to
impute improper motives to the Hon.
Senator, in having thus suddenly chang
ed his position. The necessity so often
uuLurt io every man, of reviewing his o
pinions, and correcting such ns time may
have shown to be unsound, that to do so,
would be to prefer a charge of general
corruption, in the existence of which 1 do
"ot believe. I advert to it with no other
view than to remind others, as well as the
Hon, gentleman himself, that thasc who