NOTHING BUT AN AKATEUR
■
Pair Damsel's Questions That R»
vealed Caltow„Lover In His
True Light.
"Do you really and truly think 1
am beautiful?" she asked
"You are simply divine," he re
plied.
L "But there are other girls whom
V you think more beautiful than I."
V "No. I don't think there la a mors
tjreautlful girl In the world than you.'
\ "There are other girls you think
are just as beautiful, though."
"You are more beautiful than any
other girl I ever aaw."
"I suppose there are plenty of
girls whom you consider almost as
beautiful as I am."
"I think you are far more beauti
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"Well, why didn't you say that In
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"That was what I meant, If I didn't
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"0, well, go on. My goodness!
Must I suggest everything nice that
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"What more can I say?"
"Heavens! I'm not going to sit here
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way you started out that you had
mad? love before."
HOW IT HAPPENED.
J
"Poor man! How did you become a
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"I M'nz n war correspondent In Man
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4
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C a WILMOTH,
""""
CONSCIENCE INLAW
. MAKING JJRNN
M
1 I URINO the last jeven or
! eight years In the sen
-1I Br jA ate and In the house of
"IS f) Jj representatives there
1I P JJ-—9 have been Introduced
many measures. Many of
f 1  AjM them have had their
| origin directly with the
f | people who have made
sJ y\ iy their Influence felt more
' V7r\4 markedly within the dec
-1 j ade than perhaps ever
r ; '/ before In the history of
the country. As a;, re
1 j snlt of this members of both houses
have been at times forced to show
t plainly whether their sympathies
were with "the masses or with the
■ great controlling Interests. It has
f been hard for them to counterfeit a
| loyalty to the people's Interests Some
1 of them have attempted It and hav«>
' . been found out. and are now In
- j private life. The conditions have
' been such as to make congressional
: actions within the last few years of
| special interest, certainly to the on
; looker In Washington.
After the Heverldge beef-Inspection
amendment had been tacked —It was
I hoped securely—upon the agricultural
department appropriation bill the sen
ate awaited house action on tjie
umeiidment with manifest anxiety.
1 Now there were some members of the
senate who it was supposed from the
I very Inception of the matter had held
1 that the measure was altogether too
i drastic and was In Its very nature an
! Invasion of the right of private com
panies to conduct their business as
j they saw fit, provided It was not con
ducted iu a manner manifestly Inlrnl-
I cal to the public welfare.
The upper house had sent the
I Ileveridge amendment to passage
j quickly, quietly and without a dis
senting vote, but the feeling held
j nevertheless that some of the tnem-
I bers voted as they did simply' be
cause they felt obliged so to vote,
j One of those who In the public mind
! It was held had cast his vote In favor
I t," the beef Inspection law rather un
! willingly, was none other than Sen
: ntor Lodge of JVlassachusetts.
Possibly It was Mr, Lodge's well
; known bent toward conservatism and
the old ways that Impelled people to
! think that he was In mind If not 111
| heart opposed to carrying government
I Inquiry lntp the business of private
' concerns to any greater lengths thnti
i they had been enrrled.
The house changed the meat In
J apectlon measure by transferring the
! cost of the work from the pocket book
I of the packer to tire pocketbook of
j the government and by striking out
j the clause which made obligatory the
placing of the date upon the Inspec-
I thin stamp. When the measure came
I back to the senate In Its. changed
| form one of the first senators to get
j upon his feet for the purpose of de
| nounclng the changes was Senator
Lodge of Massachusetts, and thfe
I sieech that he made upon a subject
| matter no loftier than the dirt upon
j a packing-house floor/ and the conse
j quent duty of the government to force
| the hand of the packers to lay hold
011 the broom of cleanliness has been
j declared since to be tho greatest
speech made at the first session of the
I Fifty-ninth congress, and when this
! statement was made by those who
j have passed Judgment the speeches of
j Ilalley. Knox and Spooner upon the
constitutional question Involved in the
, railroad rate measure were not lost
I to sight nor to memory.
There are often 'sneers at Masna-
I chusetts, because, as the rest of the
| country has It, she arrogates to her
j self a certain scholarly distinction
denied unto the other commonwealths
of the country. Possibly the sneer
at times Is Justifiable, because tho
| old Hay State not only holds herself
distinguished above all others in mat
j tera Intellectual, but she is too fond
| of letting the conceit spread Into oth
er fields where she stands not even
j second, nor yet perhaps twentieth.
Massachusetts, however, generally
| does send big men to the senate of
; the United States, and In the main
S big men to the house of representa
! tives of the nation In the hearing of
such a speech as that of Henry Cabot
! Lodge upon the Heverldge amendment
j to the agricultural bill the living
sneer of the dead and gone Mark
itanna expends itself ineffectually.
Hanna said that "In Henry Cabot
Ledge a good historian was spoiled to
! make a poor statesman."
j r , Mr. Lodge was talking about the
pork packing Industry, of corn beef.
| of sausages and of bob veal, and yet
this man rose to the heights .of a
| great orator. His speech was as
j as contempt for dishonesty
j in business methods, coupled with a
l mastery of the language of Irony and
1 scorn and biting satire, could make It.
While the senator Trom Massa
chusetts was speaking not u colleague
moved in his seat, not a whisper was
heard, nor was one of the papers
which Uttered the senate's desks al
lowed to rustle. Even Mr. Tillman,
whose love for Mr. Lodge Is not
transcending, looked upon the Massa
chusetts man with a much more
sterllngly honest expression of ad
miration In his face than he probably
would have cared to make manifest,
for It was the Massachusetts senator
who only a few days before bad In
the senate and In the Tillman pres
f .X f/M7V/f W. /V GA>A/y£r~
H
Jcmß %s[ ' '
Jf/YATO/? JLODGjP-^
9
J ence called the statement of a friend
of the South Carolinian " a deliberate
and unqualified falsehood."
Senator Wlnthrop Murray Crane Is
1 Mr Lodge's colleague In the senate.
* Mr. Crane 1m no orator as Mr. I»dge
Ih, and he knows it. Mr. Crane pales
In the presence of a speech predica
ment and for the first time In years
the Day State has one man In the
upper house of congress who cannot
be eloquent when occasion demands.
Senator Crane, however. Is a pacifi
cator who reaches a high mark of abil
ity. Me certainly Is a worker, and
Massachusetts, and the country, for
that matter, at times needs works as
much as It needs words.
This touching upon the ••■presenta
tion of Massachusetts In the upper
house of congress brings to mind the
last great speech of Senator George
Krlsble Hoar. It was upon the sub
ject of the convention between the
United States and the Republic of
Panama. That speech was doubly a
prophecy. In It he spoke of his own
coming death, and then, quoting In
part from John Bright, he said: "I
see one vast federation stretching
from the frozen North In unbroken
line to the glowing South, and from
the wild billows of the Atlantic west
ward to the calmer waters of the Pa
cific main, and 1 see one people and
one language, one law and one faltb,
and over all that wide continent a
home for freedom and a refuge for
the oppressed of every race and every
clime."
- Oh closing the last speech that he
delivered In the senate of the United
' Stales, Senator Hoar said: "1 do not
1 expect myself to see the accomplish
' ntent of that vision, but 1 believe It
la not far off. The eyes of children
' now bom, the eyes of men now within
the sound of my voice will see It far
' on Its way** to accomplishment, in
' Rpite of a difference of opinion on one
1 great question, 1 am confident that
the career of peaceful empire and of
peaceful glory will be along the same
' path, with the same chart and coin-1
1 pass, with the same guiding stars,
' with the same rule of faith and
I ractlce that this nation has followed
from the beginning."
In congress at times there Is pre
' sented a fine question of ethics to
which the hlglrnr-morallsts may give
answer If they can. Many a repre
sentative finds his conscience and lis
f . apparent duty to Ills constituents at
loggerheads. Demand comes from,
' home that he speak In support of a
t measure at which ifls own sense of
right revolts. Is !.e to speak or Is
he to keep silence?
Possibly the answer that springs
' most readily to the lips Is "yes,' and
the three lettered word has as a
1 basis for Its utterance the thought
5 that a representative, being a re pre
r sentative, should do as those whom
' he represents direct. There are other
f sides to this matter, however, some
of them shadowed In doubt and others
1 of them clear In the sunlight
Doubtless a representative should
vote as his district demands, but
have the represented ones the right
r to expect their member to stand up in
' the face of men to advocate a meas
-1 ure with reasonings and with argu
ments In the truth of none of which
{ he believes, and In the setting forth
1 of which he utters no word without
1 making his lips He to his heart?
* Flippant persons to the contrary
1 * notwithstanding, most congressmen
' have consciences. The house of rep
resentatives is composed for the far
3 greater part of men of decency and jf
hi.nor —poor men in this world's goods
p they are In the main, and their [u>v-
I erty is their praise. It was hinfed
I | in press correspondence from Wash
it j ington time and again, and not infre
s ' quent'y plain statement was mad a,
y that * Bcores of Republican repre-
II sentatlves were opposed at heart to
1 the railroad rate legislation urged by
* President Roosevelt and demanded by
ir the people.
e Those Republicans who held that
b the law which was sought was better
s off than on the statute books voted
1- for the iaw against their own l&-
i, clinations and belief because their
t constituents demanded that they
i- should so vote, but may It not be said
a to their everfastlng credit that most
I- of the representatives who thought
T the legislation wrong refused to play
, the hypocrite and the liar In oratori
r cal pleadings for that which they
9 held to be bad In principle,
h It la no hard task for a layman of
, • ...... . -..'U | .iJt
ordinary intelligence to tell within
the span of a speech whether or not
the well spring of the eloquence In In
the heart. Voice and manner betray
the hypocrite, though the words
[themselves are a fair mask for the He:
The speech reads well In the Con
gressional Record and In the other
public prints. The constituents find
sincerity in the written words, hut
the listeners have caught the false
notes In every Rente.ice of the
tongue's utterance.
Members iff congress—considera
tions of conscience In the matter
aside—do not car« to be marked for
hypocrisy by their fe.low members,
even though the excuse of orders from
their constituents be theirs to com
mand. in this may be found the
reason why so many representatives
sititng at one session of congress,
members who usually-are heard when
matters of great public moment are
lefore the house, had nothing to say
upon the rnllroad rate bill.
The country knows today that one
of the clijef promoters of the rate
regulatltig measure was a man who
thought that the legislation was con
ceived In iniquity. He had the cour
age of his convictions at the outset —
or thought he had —but later without
undergoing in the least a change of
heart he changed his attitude, and
the railroad rate measure goes Intd
history Inseparably connected In the
public mind with tho name of a rep
resentative who almost unquestion
ably was a foe rather than a (rlend
ta the legislation. Are a renomlna
tlon and a re-election worth the price
of public hypocrisy?
There were Republican representa
tlves a few years ago who yearned
to speak their minds on the subject
of tariff revision That which they
wanted to say would have been un
p'.easant to the ears of the majority of
the party ■members. Loyalty to party
kept most of these men silent, and
no one, perhaps, blames them for
their silence, for possibly party good
la paramount. The few plain speaker*
on tariff revision were In the main
those Republicans who were certain
o'. the countenance of their constit
uents in that whlc'.i they had to say.
It is highly probable, however, that
■>amuel W. McCall of Massachusetts
would have said what he did My if
tnere hadn't been a revisionist Re
publican In his district. There are
some men whom party consideration!
can't throttle. It was not a bit pleas
ant for Mr Cannon and others to hear
the heretic McCall say in his cold,
blunt b-it forceful way:
"Now, the people of Massachusetts
are only thinking a little In advance
o* some of the people of this country.
Soon this Idea will invade New Y/ork
and Illinois and Ohio, gathering fc&ce
ah it moves; and 1 say tc you that
if we dj) rot treat protection as a ra
tional principle Instead of as a cast
iron, immutable set of schedules, we
ar«, likely to have the Democratic
party and then possibly the deluge."
There was prophecy In that.
Mr MeCall'3 boldness .in the tarif.
revision matter calls to mind another
showing of the courage In which he
was one of two chief figures. Most
pnrty men probably will look upon
it as simply a bit of Massachuaetta
"holler than thouism," the outgrowth
of anti-imperialist Pharisaism, but it
looked like the genuine courage
article nevertheless. __
John Sharp Williams proposed to
the Philippine tariff bill an amend
ment promising ultimately freedom to
the "little brown brother." was
pu to a rising vote. Every Democrat
stood "affirmatively" upon his feet.
The Republicans, all save two, sat aa
It spiked to their chairs. The two
who rose affirmative and defiant, dar
ing to vote with the Democratic
enemy, were Samuel W. McCall and
Rcckwood Hoar—true son of hia
father. ~
; l. r :
Jehoiakna Burnt
the Prophet's Book
MvlcUILNMfarH 13, 1911
Specially Arranged for This Paper
LESSON TEXT.-Jeremiah M.
MEMORY VERSEB, 28. 24.
OOLDEN TEXT—"The word of our
God shall stand forever."—lsa. 46:8.
VME.-Jeremiah was prophet from B.
C. 626. the 11th year of Joslah. till the
destruction of Jerusalem. B. C. 568.
Jeholaklm reigned 11 years, B. C. 608-
Iffj,
Jeremiah's book was wrlt&n B. C. 604.
The Fast day, ninth month of B. C. 601.
Jeholaklm burns the book soon after the
fast.
PLACE.—Jerusalem. The Temple courts
and the king's palace.
Nebuchadnezaar besieging Jerusalem.
Ist year.
Daniel carried away captive.
Jeremiah under disfavor.
Jeholaklm an unwise k'^-
For twenty years Jeremiah had
been trying, by oral teachings, to per
suade the nation to repent and turn
to Qod, but the people and their rul
ers had been deaf to his warnings.
As a last resort. In the fourth year
of Jeholaklm, the Lord commanded
the prophet to write down the sub
stance of his exhortations, and thua
to focus them In one mighty blow
upon the consciences of king and peo
ple. Moreover, for some reason Jere
miah was shut up, "restrained" from
public utterance, being probably for
bidden by the authorities to preach;
| so that for the time the written word
I was the only way by which Jeremiah
could reach the ears of the people,
j The chosen amanuensis was Bar
uch, (he son of Neriah, a? scribe. The
[ book was not like ours, but was a
roll of parchment, consisting of sev
! eral skins sewed together, the edges
I cut even, and the whole rolled on
I wooden rods fastened at each end so
that the parchment could be rolled
from one to the other. The writing
was arranged In columns, each like
j the pag> of a book. It must have
j taken months to have 1
written down such prophecies as
! Jeremiah wished to have read, and |
| which constituted a considerable part j
| of the present book of Jeremiah.
Jeremiah sent Baruch to the tem
ple to read the book to the assem-
I bled crowds. It was a wintry day.
j Baruch went up Into the chamber of j
I a friendly noble, oyer a new gateway j
■ opening both ways Into the Inner and (
outer courts. There, from the win
dow or balcony of the chamber, or
from the platform or pillar on which j
J the kings had stood on solemn occa- j
' slons, he recited the long alternation |
| of lament and Invective to the vast I
j congregation. Reading In this way
wag almost the only way by which j
! the people could become acquainted
j with the word of Qod. Few could I
j read. And copies of the law cost a !
j small fortune.
The king sent Jehudl, one of his !
| officers, to fetch the roll so that Je- j
| hoiaklm might learn Its contents at j
I first hand and not from hearsay. The |
i king sat in the winter house.
It seems probable that after Jehudl I
had read three or four columes, the j
king snatched the roll from his handa
i and, taking the knife used for sharp- j
| enlng the scribe's pens, cut up the ,
roll himself, and cast it Into the fire, j
I Some think that Only the first portion
j was read, when all the roll was con- j
I sumed In the fire. But Professor Ben- |
nett says that the Hebrew Implies j
that at the end of every three or four
columns the king put out his hand for i
the roll, cut away the portion read, j
threw it on the fire, and handed the j
remainder back to Jehudl, repeating
the process.
The king commanded the arrest of
Baruch the scribe and Jeremiah. But
the Lord hid them, by means of some
unknown providence and guidance;
or, as usual, by the use of means in- I
spired by God. Shutting the eyes |
does not ward off the lightning's j
stroke. Fools, that think that by
wringing the neck of the crowing
cock they can prevent the coming of
the morning.
When the word of the Lord came
the book was destroyed, but its con
tents and Its truths lived. "Take
thee . . another roll, and write In
It." Jeremiah knew what he had said
before, and (God gave him further
j revelations. Professor Brown thinks
I that Baruch's second roll contained
the first seventeen chapters of our
Jeremiah. "Thou sfcalt say to Jehola
klm that the prophecies should cer
tainly come true."
Attempts to destroy the Bible have
been made. When men are forbidden
to read It, and everything is done to j
j prevent Its circulation. The frontls-
I piece of Wycliffe's Bible represents
the fire of true Christianity against
which its enemies, Satan and infidel
ity, are blowing with all their might,
trying to put it out; but the more |
they put themselves out of breath,
the more brightly the fire burns.
Ingersoll's prophecy, twenty-six
years ago, was that "In ten years the
Bible will not be read." The fact is
that vastly more Bibles are issued
every year than when that prophecy
was uttered, and in more languages.
Those destroy tha Bible for some
people, who for any reason give the
impression that it is not true, dimin
ish its authority, and fill the minds of
the young with doubts. And y«t •▼-
ery attack has made It read more,
and caused It to Bhine in purer light
Those who disobey and neglect the
Bible, refuse to let It be a lamp unto
their feet and a light unto their path,
who Ignore its teachings, and reruse
Its truths— these destroy the Bible for
themselves. But the laws of God
move on just the same.
Jeholaklm was slain. His son was
carried in chalifs to Babylon.
■Jfl
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In the Church Militant.
Henry N. Cary, the secretary of the
j Chicago Publishers' association, has a
! negro cook he took with him to Chl
j cago from St. Louis. The cook la
| very religious and Immediately Joined
| a church In Chicago,
Cary saw the cook going out of the
I house one evening with a large carT
! ing knife In her hand.
I "Where are you going;, Mary?" he
asked.
"I'se gwine t' church."
"Well, what are you doing with that _
j knife?"
"They's a religious dispute goln' on
! down there," said Mary, "an* I wanter
j see my side gits de best of It."—Sat
! urday Evening Post.
Merely a Temporary Disadvantage.
The widow Ijad Just announced her
engagement.
"Hut, my dear Maria," said her
friend, ."you don't mean to tell me
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you've only known for two weefs?"
"Oh, yes," said the happy widow.
"I can easily overcome that objection
I In time. I hope to know him toler
! ably well after we have been married
j a couple of yeart."—Harper's Weekly.
Time to Reorganize.
"1 asked her to marry me, and she
| gave me a supreme court answer.'*
"What kind
"Said she would give me six months
to readjust myself so as to be accept
able." —Puck.
II "That's
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