zkwtM*^
AALPROVE
i E,i. 1.IGRACE.
SCIENCE
04.
' 41 Af
11
little for a great:
coni pl
j complaint of the south, which hr
opinion just foundation; and that i
it more heartily
11
OF MR. WEBSTER, OF MASS!
On the Territorial Question.
ireedom el every slave man, woman/
; and child in the state of Maryland, and’
mpecmily' instruction more than 1 do, or who re- jion societies, abolition presses, and ab
le : quires information more than I do, or de-; olition lecturers as would purchase the
time; fr
merit of things by
I have therefore to
EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
Iff A S.
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Adoc tpuments inserted at 81 for 16 lines, and
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n tlice,
their
from the oflice.
papers
T3^S ST.
Shcriff’s 1)
Appeal
T. W. r
onnty of Il 'i
.D Mass W
Wima^s
V. SS. sPaSsra
In Sena'
March 7, 1850.
dom, to as many persons as shall ever
POTr PAID.
at ion
15 rids
[Blank Note
We have Blanks lor .■
ESriisjma22 & iff?., for
ECH IS. 8^ i’.ra'i’S, for Ha
S. €4, ££. 53 0331’31, for '
.?. C. W^ ;.;s?>s3, for 51;
EtipSey & iPartmis, rt
«5i?iai! €7. IISry^i:a, for
• [Concluded.]
Mr. Webster. On other occasions, I
in debates here, I have expressed my I
determination to vote for no acquisi-!
tion, or cession of annexation, North or i
South, Ecast or West. My opin-j
ion has been that wo have territory!
enough, and that we should, follow the j
Spartan maxim, “improve, adorn what!
you have, seek no further.” I think it
was in some observations that.I made
here on the three million loan bill that
I avowed that sentiment. In short, sir, i
the sentiment has been avowed quite as ;
irrepealable a law than the law that at* 1
laches to the right of holding slaves in It
Texas; and 1 will say further, that if a f
itutional duties
askup^. I took notice, with pleasure, ! send tikma.il to Liberia^ I have no
of some remarks upon this subject made ! doubt ol it. But 1 have yet to learn
the o;her dav la the. Senate of Massa- ; that benevolence of these abolition soci-
''.erdJo the return of persons bound I chusetts, by a young man of talent and
avide who have escaped into the ! character, from whom the ' bc^V hopes
states. Inkhat respect, it is my may be entertained. I mean YU. Hil-
rcsolution ora law were now before us j • Lament that the south is ’right and I Hard. He told the senate of Massa-
to provide a territorial Government for I the North is wrong. Every member! chusetts that he would vote for no in-
to provide a territorial Government for j
New Mexico, 1 would not vote to put j of every Northern Legislature is bound struetions Whatever to be forwarded to
fury prohibition into it whatever. The by oath to support the constitution of members of Congress, nor for any reso
use of such a prohibition would be idle, Hhe United States; and this article of lotions to be offered, expressive of thy
use of such a prohibition would be idle, j the United States;
ene would have | the constitution, which says to these sense of Massacheuselff asto win
and I would not take ' states they shall deliver up fugit ives : members of Congress ought to d
. . . ir; service, is as binding in honor and said that he saw no propriety
re ici-eiee as any other articT
til fulfils his duty in any Legi.
. ho sets himself to find excuses.
nor to re-enact the will of God. And
I would put in no Wilmot proviso for
the purpose of a taunt or a reproach. 1
in one
many
But now, that,, under certain eondi-p^y Southern States. I
tions, Texas ism with all her territo-1 object, no such purpose.
' ' wp'-or power, to wound the My. I have always thought that the.
• pride, or an irrational pride, to wound ! constitution addressed itseTfto the Leg-
ithepride of the gentlemen who people ; filatures of the states themselves, or to
set of public servants giving instruc
tions and reading lectures to another
set of public servants. To heir own
master all of them must sfond or fall,
and that master is their constituents. I
wish thes sentiments could become, more
common, a great deal more common. J
have never entered into the question,and
eties has at any time taken that partic
ular turn. [Laughter.]
Again, sir, the violence of the press
is complained of. The press violent'-
Why sir, the press is violent every whers.
There are outrageous reproaches in the
North againstthe South, and there are
reproaches in.not much better taste in
the Son!!' ogainst the, North. ' Sit, .t'he
extremist of both parts of this country
are violent; they mistake loud and vio
lent.talk for eloquence and for rea
son. They think' that lie- who^talk's.
loudest roasons-thc best. And this’’^'
State, with a solemn
may come in as
to deal with it? I know
ave no such | the states themselves. When it, is said
They would j that a person escaping into another
I j think it a taunt, anindigoity; fhey would | state, and ’becoming therefore within
many j think itto be an act taking away from I the jurisdiction of that w,
I them what they regard a proper equal- delivered up, it seems to me th
; by of privilege; and whether they ex- of the passage
no way | poet to realize, any benefit from it or in obedience to the constitution, shall | p as an interest^of her own not adverse
That is i Jo the general interest of the couniiy, 1
s entertain- her instructions with glad ¬
of honorable legislation but, when theWot, they would think it a theoretic
proper time comes for the enactment, [ wrong; that something more or less de-
o rights had taken place. I propose to
with my honorable friendfrom Tenues- inflict no such wound upon any body,
see, (Mr. Bell,) that, as soon as the time unless something essentially important
comes when sho is entitled to another ’ 10 foc country, and efficient to -the pre-
Remesenta!ive. we should create a new i servation of liberty and freedom; is to
simulate to do.
[ do not entirely agree
(Mr. Bell,) that
'State. The rule in regard to it 1 take ' be effected. Therefore, I repeat, sir,
to be this: that, when we have created 1 an ^ I repeat it because I wish it to be
1 new States out of Territories, we have I understood, that I do not propose to ad-
1 generally gone upon the idea that when \ dress the Senate often on this subject,
there is population enough to form ah desire to pour out all my heart in as
State, sixty thaus tad or some such thing, I p'Mn a manner as possible; and I say,
•ve would ueate a State; but it may be | again, that if a proposition were now
time '“quite a different thing when a i here for a Government for New Mexico,
St.M6 is divided, and two or more States | ^d it yas moved to insert a provision
made out of it. It does not follow, in j fo r a ptohibition of slavery, I would not
suth a case, that the same rule of an-i v °l e for it.
Bpionment should be applied. That, i ivowq Blr. 1 residem.,1 have cwaDUsn-
rivever, is a ma-terfor the considcra-; c( b 80 hr as I proposed to go into any
Congress when the properlimo ar-ilineof observation to establish, the pro-
I may not be here. I may have j position v»nh which I set out, and upon
Bote to give on the occasion, but £ i "'Mch I propose to stand or fall; and
it to be distinctly understood to- ’‘bat is, that the whole territory of the
h it to be distinctly understood to-
that, according to my view of the
ter, this government
solemnly newly-acquired territory of the, United
States out
has a fixed and settled charac
ith b
elation
dial! justify such a proceed- j cannot be repealed in the case of Texas
I without a violation of public faith; and
state, shall be
sport
that the state itself
cause him to be delivered up
my judgment. I have alway
never shall, about the binding force of j
instructions. I will, however, simply;
say this: if there be any matter of in-i
tercst pending in the body, while I am ;
a member of it, in which Massachusetts ,
I Texan territory lying south of 36®
jo let them come in as slave States.
J is the meaning of the resolution
III our friendsthe Northern Democ-
I have left us to fulfil; and I, for one,
to fulfil it, because 1 will not vio-
1 he faith of the Govern men t.
I > w, as to Cali form: t and Ne w Mex -
hold slavery' to be excluded from
Territories by a law even superi-
kthat which admits and sanctions
[Texas. I mean the law of nature
physical geography—the law of
formation of the earth. That law
connot be repealed by any human pow
er in regard to California or. New Mex
ico; that, under one or other of these
law's, every foot of territory in the States
or in the territories has now received a
fixed and decided character.'
terms of human enactment, that
cry cannot exist in California or
y Mexico. Understand me, sir; I
■gross, of the colored race, transfer-
11 ; y sa 1 e a n d d c 1 i v e ry 1 i k e o the r p rap -
I shall not discuss that point. 1
Ie it to the learned gentlemen who
Ie undertaken to discuss it; but I
Lose there is no slave of that de-
Ip Li o n in C al i fo rni a now. 1 u 11de r-
pd tiiatycD/rbm, a sort of penal serv-
■antary sale of a man and his off-
■ing for debt, us it is arranged and ex-
in some parts ol California and New
Rxico. But what 1 mean to say is,
■it African slavery, as we see it among
■ is as utterly impossible to find itself
■ to be found in Mexico, as any other
■fural impossibility. California and
Mexico are Asiatic in their for-
Hit ion and scenery. They are compos-
■ of vast ridges of mountains of enor-
Bous height, with sometimes broken
Bilges of deep valleys. 'The sides of
■esc mountains are barren, - e ntirely
Btrren, their fops capped by perenial
Bow. There may be in California,
Bw made free by its constitution, and
B doubt there are, some tracts of vafo-
Be land. Bur it is not so in New Mcx-
Bo. Pray, what is the evidence which
By genii cm an has obtained on this sub-
Bet, from information sought by him-
Blf or communicated by others. 1 have
■ quired and read all I could in order
■ obtain information on this subject,
■/hat is there in New Mexico that could
By any possibility induce' any body
Io go there with slaves? There are
Io me narrow strips of tillable land on
■ he borders of the rivers; but the rivers
themselves dry up before midsummer
Es gon e. AII that th e ped pie can do is
to raise some little articles, some little
corn for their tortillas, and ail that by
irrigation. And who expects to see a
[hundred black men cultivating tobacco,
Lorn cotton, rice, or any thing else, on
lands in New Mexico made fertile only
pv irrigation? I look upon it, therefore,
Its a fixed fact, to use an expression cur-
lent to the day, that both California and
Iww Mexico are destined to be free, so
■ar as they are settled at all, which I
Believe, especially in regard to New
ernment for New Mexico, and body
should propose a Wilmot proviso, 1
should treat it exactly as Mr. Polk treat-
I cd that provision for excluding-slavery
from CTegom Mr. Polk was known, to
be in opinion decidedly averse to the
Wilmot proviso; but be felt the necessi
ty of establishing a Government for the
territory of Oregon, and, though the
• proviso was there, he knew it would be
entirely nugatory; and, since it must be
entirely nugatory, since it took away no
right, no describable, no estimable, no
weighable or tangible rightof the south,
he said he would sign the bill for the
sake of enacting a law to form a Gov
ernment in that territory, and let that
entirely useless, and in that connexion
entirely senseless, proviso remain. For
myself, I will say that we hear much of
the annexation of Canada; and if there
be any man, any of.-the Northern De
mocracy, or any one of the Free-soil
fparty, who supposes it necessary to in
sert a Wilmot proviso in a territorial
Government for New Mexico, that man
will of course be of opinion that it is
necessary to protect the everlasting
snows of Canada.from the foot of slave
ry by the same overpowering wing of
an act of Congress. Sir, wherever
there is a particular good to be done;
wherever there is a foot of land to be
staid back from becoming slave territo
ry, I am ready to assert the principle of
the exclusion of slavery. lam pledged
to it from the year 1837; 1 have been
pledged to it again and again; and ।
I will perform those pledges; but I will
not do a thing unnecessary, that wounds
the feelings of others, or that does dis
grace to my own understanding.
Mr. President, in the excited times in
which we live''there is found to exist a
state of crimination and recrimination
between the North and Couth. There
are listsmfgrtevancesTroduced by each;
and those grievances, real or supposed,
alienate the minds ofone portion of the
country from the other, exasperate the
feelings, subdue the sense ol fraternal
connexion and patriotic love and mutu
al regard. I shall bestow a liitle atten
tion, sir, upon these various grievances
produced on the one side and on. the o-
ther. 1 begin with the complaints of
the South. 1 will not answer, further
than I have, the general statements of
the honorable Senator from South Car
olina, that the North has grown upon
the south in consequence of the manner
of administering this Government, in
collecting of its revenues, and so forth.
They are disputed topics, and I have no
inclination to enter into them. But I
it is here, and I trust always will be—
for, with all its licentiousness, and all
its evil, the entire and absolute freedom
of the press is essential to the preserve*
tion of the of government on the basis
of. a free constitution. Wherein r it ex
ists, there will be foolish paragraphs and
violent paragraphs in the press, as there'
are, l am sorry to say, foolish speeches
and violent speeches in both Houses of
Congress. In short, sir, I must say that,
in my opinion, the vernacular tongue of
the country has become greatly vitiated/
depraved, and corrupted by the style of
ed it, end i entertain it now. But when ‘ ncss o f heart, and with all the efficien-
thesubject, some years ago, was before I c y which I can bring here.
J question be one which affects her inter- our Congressional debates. [Laughter.]
the majority of the judges held that the j^ an q a t the same time affects the in- And if it wore possible for our debates
the supreme court of the United State
But if the
power to cause fugitives from service tercst of all other States, 1 shall no more
to beidelivcred up was a power to be
exercised under
Governmen
in Congress to vitiate the principles of
the people as much a.sthey have depra
ved their taste, I should cry out, “God
save tlie Republic I”-
■ Well, in all this! scene solid griev
ance, no grievance produducedffy the
South, within the redress of the Govern-
regard her political wishes or instruc-
regard the wishes of a
man who might appoint, me an arbitra-
authority of this tious than I wouldi
I do not know,
whole; that it may not
fortunate decision.
on the
My habit is to re.-:
n ' tor or referee to decide some question of
spect the result ofjudicial deliberations :
and tbe solemnity ofjudicial decisions.
But, as it nowstands, the business of
seeing that these fugitives are delivdr-
ed up resides in the power of Congress
andthe national judicature, and my
friend at the head of the Judiciary Com
mittee has a bill on the subject now be
fore the senate, with some amendments
to it, which 1 propose to support, with
all its provisions, to the fullest extent.
And 1 desire to call the attention of all
sober-minded men, of all conscientious
important private right. 11 ever there
was a Government upon earth
litis
this Government; if ever there was
' a body upon earth, it is this body,
should consider itself as composed by
greement ofall, appointed by some/bui stitutfoo , f
organized by the general consent of all, slaves,
sitting here under the solenmobhgations 1 bort
of oath and concience to do that which > North a
greement ofall
men in the North, of
who are
not carried away by any fanatical idea
or by any false idea whatever to their
: men!, but the single one to which 1 have
which.; referred; and that is, the want of^propy
a.- er regard to the injunction of the con-
ivery of fugitive
The
are also complaints of the?’
ilnst the South. I need not go
they think is best for*the good of the ■ over them particularly. The first and (
whole. i gravest is, that, the North adopted the
Then sir 111-re arc those abolinon  n'liislbutton, recognising the existence
societies of which I am unwilling to ; ot slavery in the States, and recogni-
soeak but in regard to which I have i Ae nght to,a certain extent of rep..
very clear notions and opinions. 1 do
not think them useful. 1 think their op-
resentation of the slaves iu Congress,
constitutfona.1 obligations I put it
•■'I d p 1 d ^produced nothing good or valuable.—
all sober and sound minds at the * ^ ^ same time? J'know Luousauos or
I them are honest and good men; perfect
ly well meaning men. They have ex
cited feelings, they think they must do
something for the cause ol liberty, and
under a state ofsentiment and expec
tation which do not now exist; and that,
North as a question of morals and
question of concience, what right have
they, n their legislative capacity, or
any other, to endeavor to get round this
constitution, to embarrass the free exer
cise of the rights secured by the consti
tution to the persons whose slaves es
cape from them? None at all; none at
all. Neither in the forum of concience
nor before the face of tne constitution
are they justified, in my opinion. Of
course it is a matter for their considera
tions They probably, in the turmoil of
the times, have not stopped to consider
of this; they have followed what seems
to be the current of thought, and of mo
tives for the occasion, and they neglect
to in vestigate fully the real question,
andto consider their constitutional ob-
IrgaHons; as I am sure, if they did con
sider, they would fulfil them with alac
rity. Therefore,-1 repeat, sir, that here
is a ground ofcomplaint against the
North well founded, which ought to be
removed, which it is now in the . power'
of the different departments oft! is Gov
ernment to remove; w hich calls for the
enactment of proper laws authorizing
the judicature of this Government, in
the several states, to do all that is nUc-
in their sphere of action they do not see
what else they can do, than to contrib
ute to an abolition press or an abolition t
society, or to pay an abolition lecturer.
1 do not mean to impute gross motives
even to the leaders of these societies,
but l am not blmdtothe consequences.
I cannot but see what mischiefs their
interference with the south has produ
ced. And is it not plain to every man!
Let any gentleman who doubts of that
recur to the debates in the Virgini; ,
House of Delegates ya 1832, and lie will
see with what freedom a proposition
made by Mr. Randolph for the gradual
abolition of slavery was discussed in
that. body. Every one spoke ofslavery
as he thought; very ignominious and
disparaging name's and epithets were
applied to it.' The debates in the House
of Delegates on that occasion, ! believe,
were all published. They were, read
and extend their slave population, the
North finds itself, in regard to the influ
ence of the South and the North, of the'
free States and the slave States, where
it never did expect to find itself when
they entered the compact of the consti
tution. They complain, therefore, that ',
instead of slavery being regarded as an
hoped would be exiinguished gradually,
it is now regarded by the South, as AA
institution to be cherished and preserved
and extended; an institution which,the
South has extended to the. utmost of^er'
power by the acquisition of new terri- -
Well, then,, passing front That,,
every body in the North readsf ancteU- '
ery body reads whatsoever the'newspa
pers contain, and the newspapers, some
I tore.
of them, especially those \presses tert
which 1 have alluded, are careful to
spread about among the people every
reproachful sentiment uttered by any .
Southern man bearing at all against
the North; every thing that is calculated
to exasperate, to alienate; and there;
are many Such things,' as every' bocty
will admit, from the South or some por
tion of if, which are spread abroad a-
mong the reading people; and they do.
exasperate, and alienate, and produced'
a most mischievous eflect upon thepu^Y'
lie mind at the North. Sir, I would not '
notice things of this sort appearing in
obscure quarters; but one thing has oc
curred in this debate which strucK'rne '
very forcibly. An honorable member"
from Lduisiand, addressed us the other
true it may lie-Ghat they incendi-1
arv publicans into the Gave states;' not a, more tamable ami- worthy gent e-
at any event, they attempted to arouse,; man m this bren mt a gerekman who
t t ami did arouse, a very strong iWm-g;; bo-more slow co give.offence to
i in other words, they created great agin Gw nody, and he did not -mean-nr M^
ffioninthe North against Southern ' Glares to give otl^ But what did
Well, what was the result?, 116 S11 ’> he tool  pams to run
The bonds of the slaves were bound 1 contin;.t between the slaves of the
more firmly than before; their rivtff laboring people of the
were wore strongly fastened. Public giving the preference in alCpointG
oniGon. which in'" Virginia had began I Gaon, and comfit and liappi.
to bo exhibited against slavery, and । ws. G the Gaves o tec South. The
was openinrout for the discussion of the I -aerenor doula less did not suppose that
question, drew back and shut itself up | ^ gave any mence, or did any injustice,
in the castle. 1 wish to know whether, Go was merely expressing bis opinion,
any body in Virginia cad now talk asi g how,remarks of that*
Sir. Randolph,Gov. McDowell, and;o-port be, received by the' laboring
tliers talked there, openly, and sent their P c oplc ol ti e Aorta. Why, who are
the laooring people of the North? They
’are the North-, They are «he peoofoff
who cultivate their own farms" Iviln
by every colored man who could read,
and if there were any who could not
read, those debats were read to them by
white men. At that time A irginia was
essary lor the recapture ol fugitive! o j. unw illin°'nor afraid to discuss this
slaves, and forthe restoration of them] ,^Xlet that part of her poptf-
to those who claim them. Wherever 11 iation jg ow as mac h of it astthey could
go, and wherever I speak on the subject | Ie n T(mt - j,, jX>n. As has
—and when I speak here 1 desire to ! p^p by the honorable member
speak to the whole North—! say that, f ., om Oarolii^, the.se abolition societies
commenced their course ol action in
the south has been injured in thisrespect,
and has a right to complain; and the
North has been too careless of what I
think the constitution peremptorily and
1835. It is said-1 do mot- know how
emphatically enjoins upon it as a duty, j
certain resolutions that emanate from ■
Legislatures at the North, and arc sent I at. -
here to us, notonly on the subject of Slavery.
slavery in this District, but sometimes
recommending Congress to consider the
means of abolishing slavery in the
states. I should be sorry to be called
upon to present any resolutions here
which could not be referable to. any
committee or any power in Congress,
and, therefore, I shall he unwilling to
receive from the Legislature of Massa
chusetts any instructions to present res-
olutions express! ve of any opi nion what-
ever on the subject ofslavery, for ' t wo ! rem arks to the press, in 1832. We
reasons; because/ first, - do net consider j k now the fact, and we all know 1
that the Legislature of Massachusetts I causCj and every thing’that this agi
has any thing to do with it; and next 1 I ^j n g people have done has been, not to
do not consider that I, as her represen- I enlarge but to restrain, not to set free,
tative here, have any thing to do with
it. Sir, it has become, in my opinion,
quite too common; and, if the Legisla
tures. of the states do not like it, they
have a great deal more power to put it
down than I have to uphold it. It has
become, in my opinion, quite to common
a practice for the state Legislatures to
present resoluions here on all subjects
and to instruct us here on all subjects.
There is no public man that requires
their own hands; freeholders,' 4dabated
mon, independent men. Let me say,
sir, that five-sixths of the whole prop-
but to bind faster the slave population | .. .. , , - -
of the South. That is my judgment. tee North is rn the handset the
Sir, as I have said, I know many of them
■ laborers of the North; they cultivate
in my ncighbnrhood, very honest good
people, misled, as I think, by strange
enthusiasm; but they wish to do some
thing, and they are called on to contrib
ute, and they do contribute: and it is m}’
firm opinion this day, that within the
last twenty years as much money has
been collected and paid to the aboli-
their farms, they educate their children
they provide the means of independ
ence; if they are not freeholders, they
earn wages, these wages accumulate.
are turned into capital, into new free
holds, and small capitals are created,
That is the oase. And what can these
people think when so respectably and '
worry a gentleman as the member from