Signs That War Mood Is Passing In Germany Result French Election* ami Pledges of Herriol to Get Out of Kulir Soon us Germany Gives Adequate Guarantee* of Reparations Cuts Ground Under Reactionaries Hy I'HANK H. SIMON'nS < op>i iulu UK! I by McClurc S>mlical<* Washington. June 2k. Now thai the excitement and confusion of the French election ami Its consequent upsets is over. Willi Poineure and Millerand oust?-d Ironi office, certain facts are becominu patent. At the outset it is manifest that the changes, the election Itself and the Inevitable dtsplarem* nt* which followed, have ?-uormom:ly strength ened French |iosition in the world. Ther?> lias been a marked change in British opinion whleh promises a de gree of co-operation between the wartime allies and. in addition all over the world, in America as well as in Kurope, the legend of a mili taristic and Imperialistic France seeking revenue and the destruction of Germany has been abolished by the victory of the Fr? noli liberals and the demonstration of tle ir pur pose. But porliaps the most Important consequence has !?? en the disclosure of at least a faint si^n of division amongst Gorman!* lit* innrlvrs. Willi the comiim of Herrlot voices have boon rai? support the idea of som*1 form of settlement with France other than a settlement by "a new war. In a word there in inor?' than a hint that Ger many, last of all the great belliger ents, in hfuinnin^ to cmertiC from the war-mood. To glance first at the amelioration^ of the French position In the eyes of the world, it is to bo nol?~d at once that the Dawes report while it certainly disposed of any French pol icy of destruction, assuming that such a policy ? \ist*'d in France and it is a large and. In my judgment un warranted assumption, fatally com promised the German purposes to evade reparations and also did equal damage to the effort of the Junkers, under cover of patriotic emotion to regain power and re-organize Ger many for a n?w war. Before the Dawes report came to light the whole world was faced byi the seemingly Insoluble puzzle off finding a way to make Germany j ? > without resorting to methods which would rouse German resistance. You 1 had the vicious circle, Germany re-' fusing to pay and proclaiming lier bankruptcy, and France determined to be paid and driven step by step to adopt methods which > united Ger mans In a passionate if hopeless re-1 slstance to all payments. The Rise of the Reactionaries i Polncare in Franc- succeeded to power and was supported by the .French nation in the use Of force, be cause for France security and rep-' arations were matters of life anil death. I)ut Ludendorff. Tirpltz and the old crowd In Germany In their turn regained Influence and ultimate-' ly a measure of power, because they were able. to convince the mass of the Gorman people that the course of Polncare was designed to destroy, Germany while ostensibly seeking to I collect reparations. France and Great Britain broke, because the mass of the British peo ple In turn came to suspect the Polncare method, because they be-1 lleved that this method was actually! responsible for British industrial suf-, forlng and that there was a close connection between the occupation of the Ruhr and the continuance of British unemployment. But the break between France and Britain served to encourage the Germans to resist, while the resistance in turn drove Polncare to more and more ex treme measures. The German resistance, following the occupation of the Ruhr, the nine months of passive resistance, which bankrupt Germany and produced economic and fiscal disorganization of vast proportions was the culmln atlon phase of thia post-war situa tion. France with Belgium was to all Intents and purposes again at war with Germany, German Indus trial regions were occupied by French and Belgian troops, and Ger man Industries were themselves ex ploited by French agents protected by French bayonets. And all the time the French sit uation In the world had worsened. More and more, not with Justice per haps but Inevitably, men and women of various nations were coming to hold France and not Germany re sponsible for the unrest and unset tlement in Europe. Franco was not Isolated because there were too many small nations sharing her danger* and relying upon her military aid ss the chief guarantee of their contin ued existence, but France was in a measure morally Isolated, particular ly In the two great Anglo-Saicon countries, although the American sentiment was still much more sym pathetic than the British. Moreover, as I havo said, the most striking consequence of the French| course was the gradual restoration of j the Influence of the old gang In Ger many, which had born responsible for all the sabre rattling before the war. responsible for the program of naval challenge to Britain, and. more than all. responsible for the manner In which Germany conducted the war, the manner which slowly rousi delaye ui'd in 1914-1N. Franc*', following iPolncare and Millerand, ami Ger ? many, following more ami more (closely Tirpitz and Ludendorff, worn {drifting unmistakably into new col lision. Tli*' great question was whether Germany. goaded into fury J would strike while ?he was still weak. in an access of madness, or wail her time. And. following the Ruhr occupa tion. it was no longer possible, even had they desired it. for moderate men in Germany to counsel submis sion and settlement. Germany was invaded and th?? fact of invasion pr? - eluded any examination of the caus es. It sufficed to say that the French w?r<* in the Ruhr to ror>e the whole German people and to pro mote unity, as Cl? mencenu's old 'phrase, "the Hermans are at Noyon" united Frenchmen during the war it self. In tie1 fatal deadlock which had coni?? about France could get no nal reparations, but she could occupy German territory and paralyze Ger man industrial life. Germany eould jevade all payment*, but she could not prevent French-invasion. Both I countries suffered excessively,, but for neither was there -any escape compatible with the conception each I people had of its own rights and lib erties and of its own unity and secur ity. At all times, of course, the vice in flt?* situation lay in the fact thit the inevitable failure of the Treaty of Versailles to fix any sum of repara tions decisively and the later failure of the reparations commission to fl.x any sum reasonably possible gave -to^ the Germans at least a shadow of a basin for resistance. Germany, pal pahlv .ask?-d to pay more than was possible- asked in principle although no impossible p;\ymonts were direct ly demanded?found a ground for eavdlng all payments. The \nglo-\merlcmi Position The world and particularly the United States and Great Britain were agreed that Germany should pay up to the limit of capacity, but they were equally agreed that to demand more than was reasonable was at once foolish and inequitable, nut.the British situation was compromised hopelessly by the fact that British representatives had endorsed im possible figures and the British change had only come about when it became clear that British interests were to be best served not by the collection of reparations but by the Restoration of trade, No solution of' the problem was then possible until there had been some fixation of the sum which Ger many could be ask"d to pay. n fixa tion so made as to satisfy the reas onable opinion of the world that It r? stcd upon economic and not politi cal calculations. When such a fixa tion had been made?and It was made by the Dawes committee, then instantly the whole German case col lapsed. When France accepted the report, as she well might, since It corroborated all her claims that Ger many could pay and pay largely, then Germany was put before the world In the situation of having to disclose her real purposes. Since, moreover, the Dawes report, while fixing German obligations at considerable sums. Insisted upon the restoration of the economic unity of Germany, which meant in terms the return to the Germans of the Ruhr industries, and since France accepted this condition, there, too. was an end of the German plea that France, un der cover of reparations claims, was seeking to destroy German unity. If ,the Ruhr were to be handed back to the Germans, then there was an end i ??f all all?-uation that France was seeking to establish Rhineland re I publics and what not. to revert to tli< |projects of revolutionary and Napo leonic France. indeed to rev. it to the johl plans of Richelieu and Mazarin. t If something inure were wanting. 1 even after the Daw.s i?port had Icome, that was supplied when Polu {care was defeated and Mlllerand ousted. It was a repudiation, not so .much of the occupation of the Ruhr as of the failure of l'oincare to pre jvent the Rhineland republic schonit ? ,of the military and other agents of \ France, it was a repudiation, not so much of what l'oincare had done as the manner of doinu. the manner of (speaking?and beyond all else ii u*as J not so much a repudiation as a rec ognition that l'oincare stood for cer [ tain things in the eyes of the world and particularly the German world. 1 . The Fall of Poincare. I do not personally believe that the French voters were so much moved by th" Idea of repudiating Poincare as of removing a man whose policies, at one moment approved, perliapr i still measurably endorsed, had made him an impossible negotiator in the ?new phase which was c pcninc. The French agree with Genera! Dawes who has many times said that the in vasion of the Ruhr wus responsible for th?' existence of the Dmves com mittee and therefore for iis report. Rut for tlie mass of the French peo ple the occupation beln?f a means and not an end. a step toward ret tlenient. it was clear the moment to .employ the means had com*' and it was not less clear that other Hands were needed to complete the affair. When France called Herliot to succeed P-olncare. however, the last pillar of German resistance collapsed. The world, aud Rritnin and Ameri ca particularly. Instantly accepted the French election results as evi dence of the good faith of France, of the triumph of liberal and mod erate views, of the removal of even the shadow of imperialism. it promptly recognized that now the problem was purely one which con cerned Germany. Would she show herself ready to meet a fair bill pre sented in a reasonable spirit, to com ply with the conditions of the Dawes report and with the other conditions concerning the limitations or her -armies and armament or would she openly convict liersHT of fidelity to the old faith? Had Poincare won the recent elec tions Germany woujd undoubtedly have, rejected the Dawt-s report and put the responsibility on Poincare. And in doing this she would un doubtedly have enlisted much British j and even some American support. The German election which preceded the French by one week was based on the assumption that Pofhcare would win the French elections and the victory of the reactionaries and the reds was the direct consequence ? of the Ruhr wnr and the expectation of a continuation of this struggle. Rut the victory of the French Left was In reality a crowning disaster for the German Right, it was a worse, defeat for LudendorfT and his crowd politically than The battle of August R. 1018 was militarily. Their case rested upon the assumption that there was nothing for Germany but a grim and despairing resistance to forces and men determined to de stroy?resolved upon the extinction of the German state and the slavery of the German people. Rut to urge such purposes auainst Herriot. Pain love. and Doumerge, this was palp able absurdity. Herriot's First Move And when Herriot announced that France would retire from the Ruhr not when Germany had paid In full but when she had given the pledges and complied with the conditions of the Dawes report, the old allegation of the purposes of Franc cto stay on the lower Rhine went glimmering. Warning their fellow countrymen of the necessity to face a vindictive and remorseless France and thereby win ning many seats and much strength in the new German parliament, the German Nationalists were suddenly confronted not by a militaristic but a moderate France, by Herriot and not by Poincare, by Doumergue and not by Mlllerand. And what was and Is of utmost significance Is the fact that with this 1 change there wan at last heard the volet- ??f reasonableness in German>. The existing ministry, the press, speaking (or the Socialist and bour geois parties?for the moderates gen erally- t? uan to protest against pro vocative declarations of the reactlon arv lii-ht. I..-all to advocate nego tiation. not resistance. In a word for tile first time since 1914 tliere was heard in Germany a languag" Intelligible beyond German frontiers. Meantime Herrlot. while speakln Gerr.iany fair, selected General Nol le t to be his minister of war and General Sotlet had been for years the head of the Allied Commlss on Charted with the duty of disarming C. rmany. Moreover, the allied gov ernments had iust addr. ss. d a note to Germany demanding that *?? r manv consent to further extension of the "operations of this commission, based upon the conviction that Ger many was openly evading the dis armament clauses of the Treaty , Versailles. General Nollet. moreov er was able to cite the facts aud.? 'astonishing circumstances ? there were prompt German declarations, coming from the democratic Left, that the effort was being made, i ?ee then the position In which Germany now llnds herself. She no longer has a leg left to stand on. so far as her claims to poverty are con cerned An impartial International commission with an American chair man has reported how and h"? much Germany can pay. to this report means world-wide con demnation and what is even worse, inability* to raise money In loans in either the United State* or Great llritain. the only available sources. \nd. to cap the Cllmav. she Is asked at the same time to consent to Allied supervision of her military affairs. II she declines, then she convicts her self of planning a war of revenge. Hut to balance all tills there Is the clear evidence that German acce pt ance of the Dawes report and t.er nian submission to Allied supervision In the matter of arms and armies will give German protection. It w II Insure prompt evacuation of the lliihr. It will lead to immediate? Ger man admission to the I.eague or Na tions. It will give Germany real mar antics against any attempt. French or Other, to bring about German dis integration or German ruin. And It will insure prompt financial aid. without which the makeshift German currency system, the wholly ltentenmark. will collnps. and thus precipitate, a new economic and In dustrial, chaos with perhaps political anarchy. lleasoii vs. 1 tenet t'?n With MacDonald in London, ana Herriot in Paris, it will be possible for a German government, and abo\e all for a German government repr? - sent ins the Democratic l.eft; or such Left us exists In Germany, to do bus iness. It can he sure of a hearing. Acceptance of th. Dawes report and of the disarmament demand ^ 111 stltute evidences of good faith which will bring evacuation and financial assistance and these will brlng ln turn, a gain on the domestic side. Hitherto no German government has been able to get any real result sin dealing with the Allies because it has been unable to make the necessary concessions. ^ ! I At last. then. It seems io me de mocracy. the Left, or If you l,1<""'c reason as contrasted with reaction has a lighting chance In Gem >y. It can deal Willi France and with mi tain on an equitable basis, ' 'e ba.ls provided by the Dawes repoit. It.can deal with men who represent the r. I volt In both the llrltirh ami democracies against the war state of mind. It can also deal with the I'nlted States on the same basis, for the Dawes report has practically ! unanimous endorsement In America, i And If the elements in which advocate a settlement with the Dawes report as a basis are < ? feat led by the reactionaries, then the* can i at least be assured of their r,'v,'n';''_ ! for one can easily Imagine what the ! feeling of a British .^^ ^01"* : ment would '? toward a Von TlrplU I ministry based up^n the double p. Icy of repudiation and revenge. And !lt requires no imagination to peiceive 1 that, given the present temper of 1 the French parliament, the ministry $ HeJriot would be short. If beyond Ithe Rhine a victory of French liber allsm were followed by a triumph of German Junkerdom. Either H? rriot would have* to adopt Poincar- s pol i icy en bloc or Poincare or ou?- of 2iis | followers, Mauitiot for ?ixanipl* . iwould be called upon to form a n? w Igovernment and the French move to ward liberalism and conciliation would be stifled In short order. In reality, then, we have come to the supreme crisis of the after-war period. Britain and France, by their' domestic political transformations have given indubitable proof of their desire to Hud a settlement and to find it on a basis which ha** international ]economic sanction. Five years after the signing of the Treaty of Ver sailles, its economic clauses have | found interpretation which satisfies Ialike the dictates of reasou and of |Justice. Does Germany want war ori 'does she want peace? The question is put up to her with the same dl-i rectness as it was 10 years ago next month. (lermany Must Answer The decision can not long be de layed. Britain and France are now eager to ro on with the negotiations, and. with General Dawes a nominee, the ?Republican Administration in Washington will have every reason for wishing to see his European con tributions magnified by Immediate results. A rejection of the Dawes I Report, a direct and open rejection, would not merely be flouting Amerl |can opinion but also directly affront ling the present administration which obviously means to make large use i of this achievement. In sum, Germany has now reached I the point where she must fish or cut I bait. Her conquerors, who have been ? divided, have found a common basia of agreement; namely, the Dawes Re-| I port; and her two chief adversaries, J France and Britain have, after j ? marked differences of opinion, come . together through the operation of similar shifts in the political . com plexion of both countries. Thus to I reject the Dawes Report out of band j would be for Germany almost as fa tal and certainly quite as'foolish a ! blunder as the invasion of Belgium ten years ago. It would in the same way silence her champions and con ! fuie her defenders. And this fact is manifestly sinking home k\ Germany. Perhaps It is making more progress in the country as a whole than in the present Reich stag. which, as I have said was chos en to. fight Poincare and finds itself face to face with Ilerriot. Patently i it is making progress in industrial circlet, most concerned with a set tlement, and most powerful in po litic.*; vircit-jj. And the very fury of the rc??ctlonarUs may fairly be net down to their perception of the change in their situation. We art* going to see very shortly if the German people have learned any thing by reason of the events of the past ten years. We are going to see if there has been any real change in the substitution of the republic for the monarchy. And we are going to know whether It is to be peace or war, for the only alternative to ac ceptance of the Dawes Report Is forcible rejection. The two ways to g"t the French and the Belgians out of the Ruhr are patent: they will leave when the Dawes Report Is com plied with or tliey will leave when they are driven out. And if Germany decides for war, she will once more face the world isolated, condemned in advance as responsible. The moral advantage will again rest with her opponents, and since the war would start on Ger man soil, involve the Inevitable de struction and devastation * of the Ruhr and Rhine Industrial regions: mean war wtli Poland and Ciecho Slovaka as well as France and Bel gium. mean economic ruin with only a moderate chance of military suc ces. It is reasonably fair to assume that in the end Germany will yield. If. further, yielding brings in the end a decent settlement, such as the Dawes Report envisages, the advan tages which accrue to the liberal elments responsible and the discredit which must cling to the reactionary methods and policies may in the end just avail to save the Gorman repub lic. ..Thus Germany, like France and like Britain, may emerge from the war atmosphere facing to the left, that Is. toward more liberal and dem ocntfc ideas. Not since 1848 has there been any such posiblllty in Ger many. Spencer - Walker Co. Where Every Man Find* Wha? He Liket To Wear When You Think of Money? When You Think of Money and Money Matter*, You Naturally Think of "The NATIONAL BANK" and the Prestige of That Name is an Asset When You Give Your Bank Reference. SAFE FOR SAVINGS A GOOD PLACE TO BORROW MONEY THE FRIENDLY BANK YOU SHOULD HAVE AN ACCOUNT HERE WE WANT YOUR ACCOUNT First & Citizens National Bank Elizabeth City, N. C. 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