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NATIONAL BANS OP GOLD BO BO r Goldsboro, N. 0- j j j Geo. A Norwood, President Geo. C. Kornegay, Cashier NATIONAL BANK OF GOLDSBOBO Wants your business and wfll be glad to correspond with you . Geo. A Norwood, President Geo. C. Kornegay, Cashier "This Argus o'er the people's rights Doth an eternal vigil keep; , No soothing strains of Maia's son, Can lull its hundred eye3 to sleep." GOLDSBORO, C, T BLURS DAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 11, 1915 VOL. LXII NO. 29 TIE Wffl II ; wrraoDi sporisks or cmjse The Great peals to People less Conclusions He Speaks to the Graded School and Orphan Children Hon. W. J. Bryan arrived in the city on the early train Monday morning 6:35 o'clock from the north1, coming at the invitation of the Baraca-Phila-thea Union, and was met at the station by the entire personnel of the larga committee of entertainment appointed to receive him, of which MrJ. Geo. C. Royall is chairman. From the station he was escorted in automobiles to the Hotel Kennon, where he took early breakfast and retired until 10 ;30 o' clock, at which hour the committee was on hand and escorted him to the . i. i ; . c . . v, ,,,-,1 -M-l-i nvn V a ontiro Wl . school population, -. or cniiaren auu faculty were m waiting assemuiase uu .the spacious front grounds, and from .the balcony of the central building he delivered three brief addresses to the three divisions of the schools J the Primary grades, the Grammar grades and the High School pupils.Jeach ad dress emphasizing" pertinent illus tration, and the whole being wonder fully eloquent and impressive. From these schools he was driven to the school of the State I. O. O. . Orphan age, where again the children ;were lined up to receive him, and to these lie spoke briefly, simply and encourag ingly, and with all the children of both schools the splendid lessons he im parted will linger in their 'memories through life and make an abiding im press for good n lion their characters. By this time 12 o'clock! was ap proaching, and the auditorium of the Court House was already filled with citizens from city, county and town 3 beyond who had been assembling for more than an hour to be of his noon day audience, so that when he was ushered to the rostrum he was greeted by a'representative assemblage of the finest people on earth, and these made their welcome known to jhim j by a spontaneous outburst of prolonged ap plause, which was repeated when he ..stood before them after a peculiarly : graceful and eloquent presentation of .him to his audience by HonJ W. S. O'B. .Robinson, the senior member of the tGoldsboro Bar. j h i ; After the usual courtesies of speech In recognition of his visit again to this section of the State, his introduction by Judge Robinson, and his apprecia tion of North Carolina's Cabinet mem ber, Hon. Josephus Daniels, and sor row at the fire loss of Saturday to his splendid newspaper plant, the Raleigh News & Observer, Mr. Bryan took up the subject of his address The War in Europe,, etc., and for an hour and a half he held his great audi ence entranced and interested and re sponsive. ; i nj We regret that we are unable by reason of both time and jspace limit to give his great address" in full. - He spoke in part as fo'lows: E j No matter by what standard you measure this war, it , is without pre cedent or parallel. I will not call it the greatest war in history, for the OPPOKTUNITT For immediate sale: Morris chair $7, refrigerator $7, roll top desk $5. 226 E. Centre St. S. FOLEY KIDNEY PUIS QR BACKACHE KIONEYS AND B1.ADDEP YOU SHOULD.. PROVIDE the necessary minimum j income for the welfare of your family, Our Life Income policies cover all contingen cies at low net cost. ' j : , ' NATIONAL LIFE UTSUBAlTCE CO, OF VERMONT I H. M. HU;HEEY. Stat Mr- Offices 403-4-5. Borden BuHdln. Goldsboro, N. C, ' EUROPE Commoner Ap -the Common with Resist word great implies something more than bigness. When we speak of a great institution or a great movement, we have in mind something more thau mere size! There have been, I think, greater wars than this, but none that approached it in bigness. It is the biggest war ever known if we measure it by the population of the nations at war never before have so many peo ple lived in belligerent nations. ; It is also , the biggest war of which his tory tells if we measure it by the number of enlisted men who face each other upon its many battle fields. The estimates run from twenty-one to thirty-one millions. Rather than risk exaggeration, let us take the j lowest estimate; it is sufficient to make the war impressive. In fact, the number is so great that the mind can scarcely comprehend it. Let me translate it into everday language by comparing it with our voting population. We have never cast as many as jtwenty one million votes at an election. That meang that j, aU jn every gtate who on a single j day exercised the right of suffrage could be gathered together in one place, the concourse vast as it would be, would fall: several millions short of the number now ac tually engaged in fighting. I More than two ; million have been wounded thus far.i -lf ea-anypart of the globe one hundred thousand per sons were swept to death by pesti lence, or flood, or famine, the world would stand appalled ; and yet, in z little more than a year, more than twenty times one hundred thousand have been summoned to meet their God, and everyone owes his aeatn tJ deSired to do so. The injuries which the deliberate intent and act of a we have sUffered have not been intend fe'lowman. More than five I million. e(J against USi Dut have been incident have been wounded this will givejto tne mjury which each has intended you some idea of the awful toll thatagainst the other. They are like two this awful war is exacting inlife and j ahootin? at each other in the suffering. ; If we measure the war by the de structiveness of the implements em ployed, nothing so horrible has ever been known before. They used to be content to use the earth's surface for the maneuvers of war, but now they have taken possession of the air, and thunder bolts more deadly than the thunder-bolts of Jove fall as If from the clouds on unsuspecting " people. And they have taken possession of the ocean's depths as well, and death-dealing torpedoes rise from out the dark ness to multiply the perils of the sea. They have substituted a long rang? rifle for a short range rifle, a big mouthed gun for a little mouthed gun a dreadnought for a battle ship, and a super-dreadnought for a dread nought, to which they have added the submarine. And they now pour liquid fire on battle lines and suffocate sold iers in the trenches with poisonou3 gases. Inventive genius has been ex hausted to find new ' ways by which man can kill his fellowman! And the nations which are at war are not barbarous nations--they are among the most civilized of the earth; neither are they heaten nations they are among the Christian nations of the globe. They all worship .the same God: and most of them approach that God through the same Mediator. They offer their supplications to a common Heavenly Father and then rise up to take each other's lives. j The trade of the world 13 deranged and our nation, the greatest of the neutral nations and the one with the largest foreign commerce, is suffering more than any of the others. 'When the war began we were using the ships of other nations largely for j the carry ing of our merchandise, when, all at once, the very nations whose Bhlps we employed became Involved In war, and then one side drove the ships of the other side into our harbors and compelled them to intern there, and, according to International Law, there these, ships must remain during the war,' idle and useless, while we suffer for lack of ships. And the nations that drove these merchantmen from the seas are not under any obligation, according to International Law, to supply vessels to take the place of the ones nf which tbv Tia.vn Aa-nrlvaA n a I On the contrary, they are at liberty to - withdraw their own vessels for use In the transport service, and to some ex tent they have done so, still futher crippling the carrying trad of the ocean. Because of lack of ships and because of the increased risks of the sea it has sometimes cost seven times as much to send a bale of cotton across the ocean as it cost In normal times. When on the Pacific Coast a few weeks ago, I learned that it then cost nearly three times as much to trans port a bushel of wheat to Europe as it cost in time of peace. These are some of the burdens which neutral nations are bearing; and, in addition to these, 'ali Df them are in danger of being drawn; into .this war, although none of them desire to take part in it. ; I have called attention to the out standing features of this war that you might! comprehend its magnitude; and I have mentioned some of the injuries suffered by neutrals that you might understand how earnestly the neutral nations long for the return of peace, but I can not conclude this part of my address without impressing upon your minds! two facts which it is necessary for us to keep in mind. If all the newspapers had obeyed the President and observed neutrality his tasks would not have, been so delicate and the people would have been better in formed. But while most of the news papers have tried to be neutral, we have had two unneutral groups the pro-ally group and the pro-German group. The pro-ally group has em phasized our disputes with both; , we have protested to Germany against the use she has made of submarines, and to Great Britain against inter ference with our trade with neutrals. If you will read the notes which our Government has sent, you' will Cnd that our rights, as we understan 1 those' rights, have been violated, not by one side only, but by both sides, and that injuries have come to us from j both sides. j This Is the first fact which we must keep in mind, and the second is re lated f to it; namely, that while both sides have injured us, neither side has street, who are too much interested in killing each other to pay any attention to the bystanders who get the stray bullets from both sides. In order to deal patiently with the problems pre sented by this war it is necessary that we should understand both of these facts I repeat the statement of then; namely, that both sides have injured us, but that neither side desired to do so. It would be unfortunate enough for us to go to war with a nation that hated us and wanted war with us; God; forbid that we shall ever compel a nation to go to ..war with us if it Is not an enemy and does not want war with the United States. . I have tried to find the cause of this war, and, if my analysis of the situa tion is correct, the cause is to be found in a false philosophy In the doctrine that "might makes right." This doc trine was formerly proclaimed, quite publicly; now it is no longer openly proclaimed, but it is some times practiced when the tempta tion is sufficient. Before you become excited while you can yet reason, appeal to you to set the seal of your condmenation against this brutal .bar barous doctrine that "might makes right." And that you may see more clearly the importance of reaching a conclusion and proclaiming it, I call your attention to the fact that there is but one code of morals known among men and that is the code that regulates individual life. If this cod's of morals is not to be applied to na tions, then there is no moral code which can be Invoked for the regula tion of international affairs. If I ; were an artist, I would carry with me a canvas and reproduce upon it lone of McCutcheon's recent car toons. He represents war and anar-f chy by two brutal looking human fig ures. Across-the breast of war he his written "might is right," and across the breast of marchy the words "dy namite is right." I challenge you to draw a line between the two doctrines. The nation that takes the position that it is at liberty to seize whatever It has the power to seize, and to hold whatever ft has the strength to hold; the nation that plants itself rupon the doctrine that might makes right, has no system of logic with which to ad dress itself to citizen or subject who, as against his neighbor or as against " his government, invokes the kindred doctrine that dynamite is right. If you will take your Bible and turn back to the story of Naboth's vineyard, you will find that Ahab violated three to unite in an effort to prevent war w-i comandments in order to secure a lit- find a radical difference of opinion a-; tie piece of land.1 The commandments to how war can be prevented. A prop read, "Thou shalt not covet;" "Thou aganda is being actively carried ou shalt not steal;"; and "Thou shalt not which has for its object the est abi'ish kill," and these cormmandments are ment of the doctrine that the only way not only without limitation, but they are not subject to limitation. Take for instance the commandment against covetousness. After specify-' ing certain things that must not be ' coveted, the commandment concludes j with the clause "or anything that Is thy neighbor's. If this has anj I has meaning, it covers everying.vThere ; is no process of reasoning by wrhich ; we can retain that commandment and ; make it binding upon the conscience of the individual if we hold sinless the nation that covets the territory of another nation. And yet the coveting of territory has been the fruitful cause of war. "; And so with the commandment against stealing. It does not reaa thou shalt not steal on a small i scale;" it simply says "thou shalt not steal." And yet: I am not telling you anything new when I tell you that as a rule not always, but as a rule it is safer even in this country for a man to steal a large sum than a small sum. If he steals a small sum he Is just a common, vulgar thief and no body has any respect for him; if he has any frends they are careful not I to allow the fact to be known. If, how ever, he steals' a large sum, he has two advantages over the petty thief. In the first place, if he steals enough, he can employ the ablest lawyers, and his lawyers can usually not always, but usually keep him out on bail un til he dies a natural death while they discuss technicalities in all the courts of the land. And he has. a second ad vantage; if he steals a .large sum, he can always find enough people to fur nish him social companionship who will be so amazed at his genius that they will never mention his rascality in his presence. If we find it so dif- ficult to visit the same indignation upon grand larceny that we do upon petty larceny we must not be aa- prised if, when one nation steals a large amount ' from another nation, there are some who regard it as air act of patriotism. And the commandment against kill- ing does not read that you must not kill unless a large number join with you. on the contrary, the Bible plain- ly declares that "though hand join in hand, they shall not be unpunished." And it does not say that if you do kill, you should be gentle about it and use the most approved methods. On the-' contrary, there is no intimation any- where that the moral character of the act can be changed by the method em- ployed in putting an end to a human life. It is just a plain, blunt "thou shalt not kill," and yet as we read history we are compelled to admit that it has been easier for governments to hang one man for killing one m m than to punish killing by wholesale. And many poets have felt impelled to express themselves much in the lang uage employed by the author of Gray'3 Elegy who speaks of those who "wade through slaughter to a throne, and shut the gates of mercy on mankind." I have called attention to these commandments for the purpose o" emphasizing the fact that if we adopt the doctrine that "might makes right" we must be prepared to repudiate all of the moral code upon which we rely COWRIQHT H.llllll CWiNQ , for the protection of individual lifo and the guarantee of private proper - ty. But just when it has become possible to preserve peace is to get ready for jwar. The exponents of this theory ad- mit that war is a horrible thing and that it should be avoided, but they contend that the only way to prevent war is to organize, arm and drill, and then stand, rifle in hand and finger o: hair-trigger and preserve the peace i never eectri tc hear this theory advanced after the present war began. At each session of Congress, during Lilts pa.SL lilieeil ui Lveiii.j( jecna, mv; have heard some advocating this doc trine and insisting on more battleships and a larger army, but their intere&t could generally be traced to their bus iness connections they were anxious to furnish the preparedness themsel ves arid therefore advocates of the theory. But when this -war broke oi t I thought that at least one good wouM come out of it, namely, that no one would hereafter stand before an in telligent audience and argue that ore paredness would prevent war. If wa could be prevented by preparedness, there would be no war in Europe to day for they have spent a generation getting ready for this war. They hai the kindling all ready; all they needed was a match. When the war broke out those best prepared went in first and others followed as they could pre pare, and I believe that, if we had been as well prepared as some now ask us to be, we would be in the war tnrJav Rhontinsr for blood as lustilv 8.3 any of them. i This is so serious a matter and it is so vitally important that we should follow the course best calculated to prevent war that I beg you to listen while I present the reasons which lead me to believe that the prepar3d ness which they now propose wouid ! not only not prevent war, but would j actually provoke war that with the things that necessarily accompany it ' preparedness would Inevitably lead us ' into the wars against which they ask ' us to prepare. In the first place we can not have a period of preparedness 'without submitting ourselves to ths leadership of those who believe in the doctrine that peace rests upon fear; that we can only preserve the peace by making people afraid of us. Thi3 is the folly of the ages the very theory that has led Europe into this present conflict. And more, if we are to be driven to preparedness by -the scares that are now being worked up, we must follow the leadership, not of those who advocate moderate pre- paredness, but of those who insist up- on extreme preparedness. If we mus prepare a little because we are told that one nation may attack us, w , must prepare more if another group of jingoes warns us against an attack joined in by several nations, and we must go to the very limit . if a third group pictures an attack in which the world will combine against us. There is no limit to the amount of prepara tion that we shall need if we are to provide against every imaginary daa ger and every possible emergency. The real question which we have to decide is. What shall be our stand ard "of honor? Shall it be the Eun pean standard which is the duelist's standard or shall it be a standard in keeping with our asplriations and achievements? The advocates of ex treme preparedness are attempting ti rfasten upon this country the duelist's standard of honor and we know what that standard is because we had it in this country a hundred years ago. When that standard was supported by public sentiment men were compelled to fight duels erven when they did not believe in the practice; they were branded as cowards if they declined. The case of Alexander Hamilton is an illustration in point. While I prefer the ideas of Jefferson to the ideas of Hamilton, I recognize, as all must, that Hamilton was one of the heroic figures of the revolutionary days. He fought a duel and fell, and the last thing he did before he left home for the fatal field was to prepare a state ment which he left to posterity, saving that he did not believe in the practice, but that he felt it necessary to con form to the custom in order to be use ful in crises which he thought he saw approaching. The duelist standard of honor was this: If a man had a wife and she needed him, he had no right to think of his wife; if he had chil dren and they needed him, he had no right to think of his children; if his country needed him, he had no right to think of his country. The only thing he could think of was that he must kill somebody or be killed by somebody. According to the duelist's standard of honor, it was more hon orable for u man to throw his wife and children upon the care of a commun ity than to allow what he called an insult to go unchallenged. It required moral courage on the part of many to effect the change which has been wrought on this subject, but the c hange has come and we not only have a hrv against dueling in every State ia the Union, but we now call the voan; a coward ' who . sends . the chal iewe.o! t!ie man who declines it. ALei.t i'a ;,. years ago a great states man of Georgia received a challenge from another statesman of that Stats. Had the challenge been received a century ago instead of a half century the one who received it would hardly have darei to decline. But a change v, as takii place and the challenge was declined in an answer that has become a part of history. The chal lenged party said: "No. I have a family to take care of and a soul to save and, as you have neither, we would not fight on equal terms. Therefore, I will not fight." No nation is challenging us; no nation Is trying to draw us into war with itself. But if, in a moment of excitement, one of the madmen of Europe were to chal lenge us, I think we would be justifiel in answering in the spirit of the answer of that Georgia statesman: "No. We have the welfare of a hun dred millions of people to guard and priceless ideals to preserve, and we will not get down and wallow with you in the mire of human blood, just to conform to a false standard of hon or.".-:. Do not allow yourselves to - be de ceived or misled as to the real issue The question is not whether this ra tion would defend itself if attacked. We have a potential power of defense such as no other nation has today such as no other nation has ever had, and other nations know it. There Is no donger that an attack would be resisted, and we would not depend upon the jingoes. They would be too busy making army contracts and loan ing money at high rates of interest to reach the front. If we ever have a war, we will depend, as in the past, upon those who work when the coun try needs workers and fight only when the country needs fighters. The question, I repeat, is not wheth er we would be willing or able to de fend ouselves if attacked. The real question is whether we shall adopt the European standard of honor and build our hope of safety upon pre arations which can not be made with out substituting for the peaceful spirit of our people the spirit of the mili tarist and the swagger of the bully The spirit that leads nations to put their faith in physical force is the spirit that leads people into war. It is the spirit that expresses itself in threats and revels in the ultimatum.- TT'you would know what the dan gers of preparedness will be If pre paredness becomes a national policy and is adminstered by those who are leading in this crusade, just Imagine what the situation would be today with so many opportunities to get into trouble, if we had in the White House a jingo with the duelist's standard of . honor and anxious for a fight. WeH have reason to be grateful that" we have as President a man who . loves peace and is trying to find a peaceful solution of all the problems that con-1 front us. I ask you next to remember that It is an expensive thing to prepare for wars that ought never to come. It coat us $15,000,000 to build the last battle ship launched, and that was only one- (Continued on page four.). EDITORIAL COMMENTS PRAISE OUR STAND It Reflects American Senti- iment, Says New York Sun BRITAIN MUST OBEY LAW "Great Britain Has Become GrieT ous Offender," Declares Kevr Y.ork World. ..Jfew York Sun: The note, in the moderateness of its tone, its logical progress, and its marshalling of evi dence and precdents, reflects exactly American sentiment and describes ac curately American purpose. We stand upon the law, and demand that Great Britain shall obey that law; and in this the administration only expresses the will of the American people. Jfew York World : On such a show ing oi outrage as is nere maae, tne terms of the American protest-which are lawyer-like throughout must be regarded as exceedingly temperate. To gain a military advantage more cr less important Great Britain has be come a grievous offender against its own cherished principles, against sev eral of the small nations of Europe which it has assumed to champion, and friend that it has among all the neutrals of the earth. It has not killed Americans; it has killed American rights. It has done more than seize American property; it has seized the opportunity "thus wantonly gained to extend its own trade. If even a gleam of sense can penetrate Down ing street the British government must soon perceive that unless it changes its methods its own. accountants will have something to do presently. Baltimore American: Great Britain has indulged in no murderous work but she has destroyed mil lions of dollars of American property. This is the gravest charge the United States can bring against her, but it is a- mighty serious charge, one that may endanger the friendship of the two great English-speaking nations. San Antonio (Texas) Express : It is a cause of satisfaction that the is sue is put so squarely before Great Britain. The continued violation of law of nations is indefensible. Indianapolis Star: The whole range of British contentions is brushed aside as untenable, and even offensive. This note puts up to the British gov ernmetn a very sharply denned choice betwjen radical amendment of Its course and a conscious defiance of the United States. Knoxville Journal and Tribune: The President strips the alleged embargo of its gauzy garments, exposes its nakedness and its pretense and hypoc risy. Cincinnati Freie Presse: President Wilson's note to Great Britain is not likely to cause apprenhension in Downing street. It insists, of course, that the American government cannot submit to further disregard of Inter-. national law, but nothing contained in the note suggests that further viola tion or American represents ty ureat Britain would be considered as un friendly act a tone so readily adopt ed in our diplomatic intercourse wich Berlin. . Pittsburg Gazette-Times : The Amer ican note to Great Britain is clear and unqualified in its rejection of the Brit ish contentions and in that respect will command cordial support in the United States. Nevertheless, when you get through with it there still remains the old question, "what Is our govern- mem guuig iu uo auout it: Pittsburg Dispatch: The note places the American protest against the lawless action of Great Britain on record. But that it will have any ef fect in causing the British government to alter its high-handed course is un likely. Springfield (Mass.) Union: It is the most effective answer that could be made to the charge that we have one kind of neutrality for England anl another for Germany, although the purpose was not to disprove that charge. Binghampton Republican-Herald: The President has the country back of him,- It is time to end Eng land's piratical course. She must swal low the dose Germany had to swallow or be called to account. If the Presi dent does not do it the Congress will. LADIES! The Aluminum Tri-Cola-tor is perfect or making drip co5fee. tea, and steaming rice. Demonstrated at E. M. Davis Grocery Company. .
Goldsboro Weekly Argus (Goldsboro, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Nov. 11, 1915, edition 1
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