OTHER EDITORS »Ay WRAL-TV VIEWPOINT The Real Lesson of Alabama It scarcely seems necessary to comment that no rational mind could have been prompt ed, by any set of circumstances, to pull the trigger of the gun that killed the Detroit woman in Alabama. Among civilized people any man who presumes to ordain himself as judge, jury and executioner is not merely an enemy of society, but a fool as well. There is more to it than that — cause and effect, for one thing. This regrettable incident cries out for questions to be answered, foremost among them the matter of who should share the broad responsibility for the woman’s death. And this is where the pious finger-pointing begins. No less a figure than Presi dent Johnson himself chose to dismiss the matter by laying it at the doorsteps of the Ku Klux Klan. This may have been a comfortably easy decision for the President, and it may have been astute politics. But it,is hardly the right medicine for a sick country. There is no reason to ques tion the FBI’s identification of the four Alabama men it arrest ed as being members of the Klan. We shall set aside the matter of whether the men — if they are guilty of the murder er — were acting as Klansmen or as individuals. The larger question, and America may as well face it, is why and how did the rage of these men be come so great as to prompt them to commit such an out rage. Let Lyndon Johnson and Hubert Humphrey and Martin Luther King, and all the rest, probe their own consciences. Can it be honestly said that there was no deliberate provo cation of violence in Alabama?. What was the point of it all? Who engineered it? Who smil ed at defiance of the law on one side, while complaining about it on the other? The trouble with ariarchy — disregard for the law — is that it never travels a one-way street. The assignment of blame in Al abama, like the argument about whether it was the chicken or the egg that came first, can be as old as the question of slav ery or as recent as Martin Luth er King’s refusal to obey a fed eral court order. But even those are not the big questions in Ala bama today, nor in much of the rest of the nation. The question is whether the dignity and in tegrity of government have now been so diminished that govern ment is concerned with and obe dient to the cause that assem bles the largest crowd. If so, we had better prepare to live with anarchy for a long while. Even Eric Severeid, who has long been an admirer of loud, flamboyant civil rights demon strations, expressed concern the other night. He described the white people of Montgomery as “conquered people,” hardly con cealing his amusement at the fact that they Stayed indoors and away from downtown when Martin Luther King’s hordes moved in. But Mr. Severeid was disturbed at the threats and the taunts of the civil rights leaders. He mentioned one of Winston Churchill’s ringing phrases — “in victory, magna nimity — and Mr. Severeid ex pressed the hope that Dr. King’s forces would henceforth prac tice this. Then he finished the Churchill phrase — “in defeat, defiance” — and cautioned the conquered people of the South not to be defiant. Hours later, after there had been no magnanimity,, there was defiance — defiance in the form of an anger-crazed mind that sought satisfaction with a high-powered rifle. It is a bless ing that only one incident oc curred. It is not an easy thing, of course,^ for a politician. to call off a mob and thus silence its provocations. It seems far sim pler, as Pontius Pilate sought to demonstrate, to let the mob have its way. But mobs feed on weakness. Over the weekend, it was disclosed that Martin Lu ther King now proposes to join forces with labor unions through out the land to promote work stoppages. This, too, will.be done in the name of “non-violence.” And after that, what? Let us hope, however, that the political fling is through, and that the frolic is over. The Detriot woman died a need less death, participating in a senseless performance. Cracking down on the Ku Klux Klan, how ever justified that may turn out to be, will be a case of treating the symptom and ignoring the disease. Unless we henceforth declare war on anarchy by any body, we may as well brace our selves to see it practiced by ev erybody. That is the real lesson of Ala bama. Peers and Picasso The Lord Chancellor took his seat on the Woolsack at three o’clock. Lady Summerskill asked the Government how they justified, in the present state of the na tional economy, the spending of £60,000 ($168,000) on the fabrication of Picasso called “The Three Dancers.” Lord Bowden, Minister of State for Education and Science. — The trustees of the Tate Gal lery have entire discretion con cerning the purchase of works of art from the money which has been allocated to them. Lady Summerskill — As the Treasury make a large contri bution to these galleries, should they not keep a more watchful eye on the one or two individ uals who, guided solely by their own idiosyncrasies, choose these pictures? (Cheers). Lord Bowden. — This is a matter which will excite great interest and controversy, but when the Government have ap pointed, as they have, eminent and distinguished artists to ad vise them about methods of dis posing of the funds allocated to them, they can do no other than trust their judgment. The last thing the Government should engage in is an analysis of the present state of the market in works of art. The budget which the Tate has is about £110,000 ($308,000) a year, and the only thing we can do is to leave the trustees to spend it to the best of their discretion. We shall have to be content with such results as they achieve. Lord Stuart of Findhorn. — Has the Minister any knowl edge to date of how many Friends of the Tate Gallery have now ceased to be friends? (Laughter.) Lady Summerskill. — If today Picasso doodled and put h i s name to it would it not com mand a large sum from some pesudo-intellectual snob? Lord Bowden. — I agree. I forget who it was who defined a highbrow as a man who looks at a sausage and thinks of Pi casso. (Laughter) — From a par liamentary report in The Lon don Times. 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