A TOUCH OF TAR
,
l SYNi
If there os a Mend of Barry
Goldwater’s in the house, please
give the erstwhile Republican
nominee a word of advice:
Poor old Barry. He was in Vir
ginia the other day, speaking to
the students of venerable Wash
ington & Lee University. Be
tween rocket rattlings he gave
the boys a sample of his poli
tical acumen. Too bad. On ce
il pon-a-time supporters of the
Arizona socks merchant are com
ing to wish he wouldn’t talk so
much about so much he doesn’t
comprehend. That is, about poli
tics.
These things may be said of
Goldwater: He is a good Ameri
can; he is brave; he is 59 years
of age; and he is stolid. (There
is a “t” in thatwotd, Mr. Print
er).
Here: Let me quote him:
“(The Republicans) have to get
20 million Democrats to see the
error of their (Democratic)
ways”. Then he said: “If I were
President Johnson and I wanted
to get relected, I would put
Wallace on my payroll”.
If that last remarks carries a
touch of tar, well Mr. Clean said
it. In any event, those disparate
quotes are related. What was
bugging Goldwater when he
spoke of Johnson and his payroll
is painfully clear: Goldwater be
lieves the Wallace candidacy
will help LBJ and hurt the Re
publicans. (He can’t conceive of
Wallace winning). Goldwater
bases his conviction on a belief
"that “20 million” disgrunted
Democrats, rack of Lyndon
Johnson and without Wallace to
clutter their minds, would, willy
nilly, vote Republican. And that
is what I mean stolid. Nothing
much goes on inside his head.
Wouldn’t you think that Barry
Goldwater of all people would
remember this fact of political
life: In 1964, George Wallace
campaigned in the Democratic
primary of Indiana. In, the blue
collar area of that State —■ in
Hammond, Gary, and South
Chicago — Wallace polled 53 to
54 per cent of the total vote.
Barry Goldwater, as the Republi
can nominee, that fall, cam
paigned the same area. He got
18 per cent of the vote.
The conclusion seems clear to
everybody but poor old Barry:
Blue-collar Democrats, disgrun
tled or otherwise, wouldn’t vote
the Republican ticket if it prom
ised eternal salvation. “Republi
can” to such people means The
Boss.
How, then, does Goldwater
propose to show them the error
of their ways, to get the 20 mil
lion votes so obviously needed?
No Republican spokesman has
offered a program discemably
different from that of the Great
Society. They hadn’t thought
one would be needed. They had
hoped to win by default, just
suck their thumb and wait —
and along came Wallace.
There is a way out for them.
There is if they are, first, Con
servatives, that is, Constitutional
Americans:
Join Wallace and his Southern
Conservatives and his Northern
Blue-collar Democrats.
And that is the only way there
is — for them. The Republican
party is dead, if political life is
measured by a party’s ability to
elect a President.
Do you doubt it? If so, answer
two questions: First what per
centage of the voters, today, do
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as Republicans? And, second,
how many States, north of the
MasOn-Dixon, did the Republi
cans carry last time out of the
barn, in 1964?
The answer to the first ques
tion, according Gallup, is 27 per.
cent. The Republican party has
shrunk to that.
As to Electoral-College votes,
the answer is, five. Five votes,
in 1964, that is all the Republi
cans managed, north of the
Mason-Dixon. They carried the
home State of the nominee and
that is all they carried.
The form remain, the sub
stance has gone — such might
be the epitaph for the Republi
can party.
* * * * *
Today’s situation is not unlike
another that arose in this coun
try. There is difference: Party
position is switched. In 1R64,
Lincoln was in bad trouble,
headed for defeat. Wise politi
cian that he was, Lincoln coale
sced with the “loyal” Democrats.
(Andrew Johnson) as his running
mate, forgot the Republican la
bel, campaigned as a Union
Party man, was elected, preserv
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>d our republic and thus made
lemonade out of a lemon.
If the Republicans had really
wanted in on the action, they
should have dusted off one of
their best and offered him as
No. 2 on the Wallace ticket.
But it’s too late now.
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