Newspapers / The North-Carolina Star (Raleigh, … / Feb. 6, 1850, edition 1 / Page 2
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white population (I'mean such as were able to emigrate) wouidh ae theterritory. The condition of the South would for a time be . that of Ireland and soon by the destruction of the remnants of the white populat on, be come that of St Domigo. There are those BOW living who would probably tee thia .i- state of things; but it would be certain to overtake our ch'ldren or grandrhildreli. These facts are sUriii? us in the face as distinctly as the sun in the heavens at norifi "day. Northern men not only admit it but constantly in their public speeches avow it lo par tneir purpow 10 prounce him very state of things. If we express alarm at the prospect, they seek to amuse us with eu logies on the blessing of the Federal Union, and ask us to be still for time. They do well, fur jt is true that communities have us ually been destroyed by movements which in the beginning, inflicted no immediate injur ry, and which were therefore acquiesced in id! they had progressed too far to be resisted. They have, too, constant examples in the con duct or brute animals, that do not atrui.'jrle a gainsl evils until they begin to feel pa in. They are doubdess, too, encouraged to hope for our submission on account of our Acquiescence under their former wrongs. They know that the evils already inflicted on us, to which I . have referred, grca.ly exceed in amount any injury that Great Britain at tempted when she drove the colonies into resistance. Besides, sir, . their aggressions have infinitely less show of fcowtTuiion fet right, or color of na'ur.il justice. But what they now propose is too palpable even for our southern generosity. If after having been free for seventy y ar.', the southern Slates, were to consent tube thus degraded and enslaved, instead of the pity they would nWt the scorn and contempt of the universe. The men of this genera lion, who wouldTic responsible, ought to be whipped through their fields by their own negroes. I thnnk God that there is no one in my district that 1 think SQ me,auJ.V.uf. a V district that 1 t MOS SQ meatuV-or. il 1 to believe 'lhn - nriOTWTiaTT!vcrmi4fme.iiT mium he necessa ry for the protection of our rights and liber ty, I tell northern gentlemen, who arc in J hopes that the South will bedivuulthat ..., ... wax snail' not have - tiaif asr niS ny traitors to hang is we did Tories in the ITc volu ion. t If gentlemen mean that the Union upon the principles .of -the Coiwlituliofii is desira ble, I will not controvert that opinion. Itut the Union never could have been formed muiuut wiiurri vuauimyi(. wvJ.yik.i.4An.iiiw"TiiPi ni ini: uri nominee i -.. -'.y:.'." ...' '.:'.' '. w 1 I 1,., r.-:, .. -,- .-t-.-i -.r.- "rti- . ' " 1 ?o,Tiow ucimii, prarlieally di' troy die Constitution, those injured, if able lo resist, will not submit That instrument was ordained in is own language, to "estab lish justice, insure domestic tranquillity and secure the blessings of liberty" to nil parties to it namely, the freemen of the Union. IfT therefore under ill for m," gross injuttice " is done, insurrections excited, and the citi zens of part-of-Jho States politically en slaved, then the Union ought not to stand, as aa instrument of wrong and oppres sion. - ... .Thcra-i -throughout ihe South a strong - attachment to the Union of the States. This sentiment rests norMlrtni!hiif';nrahni& lations of interest "as on historic associations and the recollections of common ancestral struggles and triumphs. Our people take a pride in the name of the United States, and . .. in being members of a great republic that furnishes a cheering example to the friends of liberty throughout the wflrldM. But the " "events of tb last few years are rapidly weakening this feeling. Seeing that there 8PB!.A,,taJb&aettled.. norm to put mem to the wall, many of our people regarding a dissolution of the Union as the inevitable result of this aggresion have looked forward to the consequences of such state or things. l..,,,- "I will tell northern gentlemen, in the hope that many of them are not yet past the .point of reason, what is the view presented in prospect to many of the highest intellects in the Souh. It is well known that the exist ing revenue system operates hardly on the South and the West, The Government raises upwards of thirty millions annually by a duty or tax upon imports. But this jystera acts very unequally on the different ectioua .ofthe- countryi - For illustration of the mode of operation, I will take a single article. Railroad iron is produced in En fjlaad at so cheap a rate, that it can be orooght to thia country and sold, we may stay, for $40 per ton. This is much cheap- -er than 6Wr people can afford to make it at. - They therefore ask the Government to re quire the payment ol 20 per ton by way of duty. The importer therefore instead of selling for 940 per tou must ask $30, to reimburse himself for what he has paid ont abroad, and to the Government. Every person, therefore, in the United States, who purchases rail road iron, has to pay $20 more for each ton, There are however, some advantages to counterbalance this loss. In the first place, some of our people fending that they Can mak j a profit by selling rail road iron at $00 per ton, engage iivthe manufacture, and thus find employment, While so engaged, these persons consume the produce of the farmers and others thus make home market for agricultural productions. We see, however that the loss of tW per ton falls on oil those in any part of the Uni ted Slates who may consume the iron. j Jijut. Ui benefit is confined to those persons who art engaged in making iron aud those .who live so, near them that they em eon. venieudy' gat their produee to the fawlories. Jn foot, this sort of manufacturing js aoiifi, to the Stale of rcnosylvsnia and perhaps a few other locali lilies, Uut my constituents can no more pay tiie nianufacturei's of Pnv . aylvania for iron -i the produetion of their farms than they could the British iron roasters. It is therefore to our advantage, as we must pay fur it in cash, to get the iron at Joe lowest rato. This is true of the" southern and western people generally r-- Thie illus tratrs the efTeet of onr revenue and pmtec tjve lyslctn,. The burden is diffused over (Jje wljoje country buf tlie benefu js limited to the manufacturers and to those persons who reside so near as to have thereby1 a better market; very little more thanone third of the Union gets the benefit of the system in exclusion mainly of the South end West. . It is not easy to measure the precise ex tent of this burden. It has been estimr ted that, two thirds of all the articles which would if imported be subject to pay a duty, arc produced in the United States. To return, for ready illustration, to the ease of rail road iron, If two of every three tons of iron consumed in the United S ales were made in this eounlry, it would follow that the person who consumed those three tons of iron, while he paid twenty dollars to the Government on the ton imported, would pay $40 to the home manufacturer; and if he lived so far from the uinnfacturer that he could not pay him in produce, it would fol low lliiit, in fact while he paid the Govern- oient nut twenty Dollars lie wouW lose sixty himself oil account of the duty. When, therefore, the Government gets as it is doing thirty three millions of doll irs revenue, the i whole burden to the consumers of this country would be $100,009,000; of this amount, the South pays according to its population and consumption, forty millions of dollars. This sum 1 think too low in fact. In the Patent Office report, made to the lat( session of. Cungrces (the -last one published, it is stated by .the ('ommi.wiop er, Mr. Burke, a northern man, that the an nual valuo of articles maii'ifacted in the United Stales, is five hundred and fifty mil lions of dollars. This statement (lor a not include iron, salt, coal, sugar, wool, the "pro ducts of fisheries, and other articles on which a duty is collected; adding these, swells the amount lo nearly seven hundred millions, thtr imports for that year were unusually large, on account of lire famine a;roai ici!rilieies, all Hie articles lm- ported, on w hich a duty is collected, inclu - uuia Uie lve-7rrpttrtr-Trt" rhc"Rta"H'nieht of anil eleven liiilliou one hundred and hllv- fmir tlwilllfitiil llirno luiititr..il ii tr- 1 lars. It thus appears that the amount man-; iifacturxulUji Uie MtWFy- i-nw Times" that imported. Il is not pretended, however, that llns comparison affords a proper measure of the amount of the burden which the country may sustain; tqjL Jta, whiloit pays to the Goveimvnt thirty three millions, it pays two hundred to the niaiiu - facturcrs indirectly, thereby making the TwoilUiidred and" thirty three millions- Some few articles- are manufactured liere as cheaply as they can bo else where; and a very largo number, at llio places where they are made, are cheaper lo the consumer than would be tin: foreign article w hen transported there. It .is.also true however that in a great many cases the consumer loses even more than the whole duty, because be is not only obliged to pay it to the manufacturer or refund it to the importer, but also a profit or percent, on this" "ihify lo " McTi trad''"r through whose hands the article passes before it reaches him. In other instances the price is inter-mftriiatMw-iwiw-."whai any duty and that which it would amount to by the addition of the duty. AVant of accurata knowledge of nil the facts renders it impossible to determine precisely the effocj. which our revenue system produces; but tluu it is tin!! jtowerhil and controlling, cannot lie denied The Government actu ally raises more than thirty millions per year by these duties. The inaniifajirtiri;r.at, their production at a . high rather than a low ra'c, and who understand their true interests, attaci. the greatest importance lo the tariff system, and attribute to its operation effects even ifrtater tltau I have slated them ---to'tie?' There has been less complaint among con sumers, because the cost ol most manufactu red articles lias been diminishing from time to time. This fall of prices, however is partly attributable to the great discoveries made during our day in chemistry, mechan ism, and tlie arts generally by which these articles are produced with much more facili ty. It is also attributable to the compara tive repose of the world, winch has directed capita ami labor, formerly consumed in wars.to industrial pursuits. Hence, thouirh there is a gradual reduction of prices in the United Slates, yet it is still more striking on the other side of the Atlantic. In Great Britain p ailieulariyvas. w ell aa in certain por tions of the continent such is the accumulation of capital and so great the number of labo rer who are obliged to work lor mere sub' sistence, that prices are at the lowest possible rate. We havr a right to take advantage of this state of things just as the Europeans do ol our cheap production ot cotton. Instead of giving us half a dollar a pound as they used lo do. ' they as well as the people of me northern States, seem glad to get it tor five cents per pound in consequence of our ever production ol the article. We have, therefore, a na rural right to purchase their productions at Hie lowest rate at which we can obtain them, to counterbalance the dis advantage we suffer from the accumulation of a different kind of capital and tabor. To alleviate this burden, we of the South get back very little in the form of protection. w ny men, have southern men been will 1112 losuomn to a system so unequal in its op eration? Because, as I have formerly had 1 ecasion to stain, in jhe Convention which made the Federal Constitution there was a bargain made between tlie North and the South, that, provided they Would allow our slaves to be represented, to permit importa tion tor a time, and to deliver up fugitives, .WjMtJli-IJarttros) that mnjoiiiy ol Congress might have power to pas navigation or' tariff laws. As tlie gift of the power wilder the circumstances necessarily implied that it was to be exer cised, we felt bound in honor to acquiesce in the action of the uiajoriiyi" ' Be? axis n the seeond place, protection to such stoat ss might give our infant manufactures fair start was calculated to advance the interest of the nation as a whole though for the time " In throwing ont these views Mr chairman, it might bear hardly on ul. And because, I have not sought the utmost degree of pre thirdty we hoped that the southern States cision, but I hav no doubt but that all the would after 'a time get to manufacturing facts will be found on examination not less themselves as their 'interest required them favorable to my conclusions than I have to do, and thus escape die burden. It was stated them. My purpose now is simply to thus that southern gentlemen, even after present to northern gentlemen such general the North had partially failed to pay its views as are likely now to be adopted by the share of the consideration, with great mag- South. Your course of aggression is alread nanimity 'continued to sustain the sys- arraying against you all the highest minds tern. of the South men of high intellect, and The manner of disbursement is also ad-' higher patriotism, whose utter indifference verse far our interests. Of the forty" odd To all personal considerations will make millions which the Government purposes them, in the language of my eloquent friend to disburse this year, I do not believe that from Georgia, Mr. Toojibs, "devote five millions will in any way be expended! all they have and all they are to this cause. in all the slaveholUmg States. ISorth l,ar - olinn for example, is burdened to the extent of not less than three millions, and yet does not gel back dollars in any way one hundred thousand from the Government. 1 he clear loss in a pecuniary point point ot view ion account of the action ol the Government may be set down at three minions annually. 1 he southern Slates generally are in the same situation. What would be our condition if separated from the North? Il is difficult to determine the precise amount of the exports of the slave holding Slates, because it is not practicable to arrive at the exact value of that portion which is sold to the' free States. But the amount of our leading Staples being pretty well known I mean cotton, rice, tobacco, sugar, &c. we can arrive al the whole val ue of our exports pretty nearly. They cannot fall short of one hundred and thirty millions of dollars, and this year perhaps considerably exceed that sum. This is nearly as much as the whole of the exports of the United States to foreign coun tries. Il must be remembered, however, that though the free States furnish parfbf j our exports, yet that which they do afford , is scare! v so much as tlie portion ol our 1 own products which jjoaj io, them, .for or- mimniinn. If therefore, we were separated : eiirti countries generally, would be equal to that sum, fl if niii ran ii'A elwtitil imnrtct rta much, and in fact do at this time consume as i imtmrls (and most of the rates of the pre- sent tariff law are higher) would yield a 1 revenue of nearly forty millions of dollars. ; A tW-pro-" of almost -all mrvtifaclured ar- tides are regulated by the production of the : creat workshops of Europe where the acccu- ; imitation of capital and labor kefiDStWn.Dro-J (juciiou. IO-illC lowest JiossioimiHeSy- t nave ........ 1 ... . . no (tount bul mai sum would be raised without any material increase of the prices which our cilixens now pay. We might therefore expend as much as the Govern ment of the United State ever did in time of peace up to the beginning ol General Jaekson's Administration, and still have on hand twenty five miHitJtna of dollars to devote to the making rail roads, opening our har bors and rivers, and for other domestic purpo ses. Or by levying only a twenty per cent, du- ,ty . liieJi.llie -noxilurn .manufacturers eundJ ruinous to them, as they said under Mr Clay's compiomise bill, we should he able to raise som ijwe.Jiir.e:miUiimaf d'oUar.' 'Hatl oT this sum would be sufficient for the support of our army, navy and civil govern ment. The residue might he devoted to the making of all such improvements as we are now in want of, and especially checkering our country over wilh railroads. Subject ing the goods of the North to a duty, with those from other foreign countries, would at once give a powerful siimulous to our own juajBuCi-.iut.W Uv--lrendy",sttftrierrt capital for the purpose. Hut if needed, it would come in from abroad. English cap italists have filled Belgium with factories, Why did this occur? rSimpIy because pro visions were cheaper thrre ; and taxca lqwr. Ulan in Iceland, 1 tie same motives, would bring them into the southern country since both the reasons assigned arc much strong er in our case. It has already been proved that we can manufacture some kinds of! goods more cheaply than the North. In New England, too, owing to her deficient agriculture, everything is directed to manu facturing, and the system is strained up to a point which is attended with great social disadvantages, so as to retard population. In the South it need not be sov The cli mate and soil are' very favorable to agricul tural pursuits. Our slaves might be chiefly ocupied on. the farms, while the poorer class of our while population and a portion of our females, could be advantageouly fie"' ployed in manufacturing. We should thus have that diversity in our pursuits which is most conducive to the prosperity and hap piness of a people. Our carrying trade would probably for a lime be in the hands of tlie English and other foreigners. Thia, however, would not be to our disadvantage, since northern ship owners now charge as much for freight be tween New York and New Orleans as they do for carrying it to Canton, on the oppo site side of the Globe. The whole amount of the freight on southern productions re ceived by tlie northern ship owners has on a minute calculation, been set down al forty millions one hundred eighty six thousand seven hundred and 'twenty eight dol $40,180,728.) The whole value which the North derives from its southern connec lion has been estimated, by some persons most familiar with these statistics, at more than eighty eight millions of dollars. 'Who, ever looks into the condition of the different States prior to the formation of the Union knd compares it wilh their situation at first under low duties, up" to the war and tariff of 1818, and its succassors, highly protective as they have been, will find the facts fully 8ttemmg-The Opinions I nave expressed. Northern writers of elementary books made lorscnooi children ol course represent things diffcrendy, and deceive the careless and ig-' nnrant. My opinious on these points havoJ Ven.eeltbjd for long -wh I hav not heretofore beenin a' position' acre i uiuugnii couiu een ny controlling influence or effect any desirable object, by I giving utterance to them. 1 Uut gentlemen speak of the difficulty of making the boundary; and the condition o j the border Slates of Maryland and Kentuc. kyare particularly referred to. Undoubted lyjeach State would have the right to deter mine for itself to which section of die Con federacy it would belong. If these two Stales were to 'unite with the North, then as it would not be possible for them to change their condition immediately with respect to slavery if Uiey ever did, they would for many years, at least, forma bar rier against the aggressions of -the free Slates, until, in short, the South would have become loo great and powerful lo need such aid. I Like it, however, that their interest would lead them to prefer an association widi the South. With reference to fugitive slaves, Maryland would not bcjnaJerially worse off than I have shown her to be, if she were not in fact less - molested. There would however be some great countervailing advantages.. She is in advance of most of ihe southern Stales in manufactures, and a duty on northern imports would give her for the time better prices on such things as now come ; from the North. Baltimore would, perhaps, from its considerable size and its capital, become the New York of the South.. Ntfw-York itself jnuf al'6ncIse more than half its foreign irauW Charleston and New might, occur to the cities of Vinrinia. Even the little towns on the eastern coast of my own State would more liuuvrccuver die trade which they had prior to tlie war duties and the tariff of 1810. The northern tier of counties in Kentucky would perhaps be ol- liged to remove' their jdavea. to-.the. South. 4 ltiil there would he to her advantages irl the change similar to those of Maryland. Ken tucky supplies the South widi live stock to a.gtea,t.extwiti"bt' she has to encounler'tlie empetriirm of Ohio and oilier northwestern Stales. If tlie productions of these States d-ere subjected to a duty, she might fori time have a monopoly in the trade. I would do injustice to these twoStates if I supposed that they would be governed solely or even mainly by calculations of interest'. Mary land and ' Kentucky, are filled with as cour ageous, as generous and, as noble-minded men and women as exist on earth; and'follow- lng their bold impulses, they would make common cause with their oppressed sisters r i, c .1. :e '' . i .. .ftf the,Southr and if--tteeesaryv lake their places where the blows might fall thickest; in the front of the column, with the same highteeling thirt-animffted their ancestors on the battle-fields of the Revolution. Rather than that they should separate from us, I think it far more probable that some of tlie northwestern free Slates would find it to their advantage to go with the South. But we have been threatened that the North will take possession of" the Lower Minsippi. i ne e British tried that in 1815, but found ' men, as I went through the House, I had "H 'JL'SiX: lrew Jackson and some, of.tIw.ouftwal4.Ba. dowbt fat theW'-neCTdyil'Tiaff a7 J"JCT"'4J",1'. .' . . mffitfSmniD"fSw"'way." In the thirty 1 greed to have enabled them to efTeet their . ro.ey, r Ohio, taked permtsai ' . ... 1A AtlAsl film fkllsWn HHHAMAkt UAAliillA Andrew tent five years that have since passed, those States have become populous and strong, ; ter of the amendment had failed. It is not and would doubtless be able to protect Uieir long since, too, Uiat another citizen of Mas waters from aggression. The southern sachusetts Mr Johm DavisI defeated die LStatc, ha.vig now,, free- rmrmlatiotl of sis 1 . : 1 1 i !..:. : i. minimis, uuu pruuuciiig in succession sucn vy Bjrcamiig mi me mu 01 me session. AS soldiers as Washington, Jackson, Scott, and northern gentlemen have therefore been ac Taylor, need have no serious fears of foreign . customed to this mode of resistance to such aggression. j measures as they do not like, I take it that they I sublimit it, then, Mr Chairman, calmly would hardly complain of this kind of retal- to northern ircirUeiiicn, that they had better make up their minds to give us at once a fair setdement; not cheat us by a mere empty form, widiout reality, but give somediing substantial for the South. We might ac quiesce in tlie Missouri compromise tine 1 should individually prefer, under all the 1 thereby make every officer and every ex circumsuinces giving up the whole of Califor pectant of public money direcdy interested nia, provided we could have all on this side in having justice done to the South. It of it, up to about the parallel of 40, not far would be far better to have this temporary from die northern line, of the State of Mis- inconvenience for a ycarjir twojhanthat sourir rather -than its "wwithi;Tn-36 30'. i wrH6u1Iaee blood v revolution, or some We would v thus, by iretlinjr the whole of New Mexico, and havinir tlie mountain chain and desert on the west, obtain a prop er frontier. We might then acquire, at some future day, whether united or divided possesion of tlie country along tlie Gulf of Mexico, well suited to be occupied by our slave population. I mean sir, that no re striction ought to be imposed by Congress on this territory, but that after it has been left open to all classes for a proper period, the majority may then, when they make a State constitution, determine for themselves whetljcr Uiey wUl permit slavery or not. The South will acquiesce in any reasonable setdement. But when we ask for justice, and to be let alone, we are met by the senseless and insane cry of "Union, union!" Sir, I am dsigusted with it. When it comes from northern gendemen who are attacking us, it falls on my ear aa it would do if a band of robbers had surrounded a dwelling, and when the inmates attempted to resist, the assailants should raise tlie shout of "Peace union harmony!" If they will do us justice we do not need their lectures. i long a they refuse-it,- their "declarations . v uuv iivbu uicii iciiiuinn. rm m seem miserable, hypocritical cant When these things come from southern men, I nave even less respect for them. Even the most cowardly men when threatened with personal injury do not usually announce in chastisement which an adversary may choose wuiuin, Anq those persons, who, seeing he aggressive attitude of the North, and is numerical power, declare in advance that for their own parts they intend to submit to what- own eyes, that tlie gallant Hungarians assi ever the majority may do, are taking the best ed their independence. Though in course to aid our assilanta, and need not j midst of, and struggling againt those 1 wonder if the country regards thera as ene- immense empires that could briiur m miesof the South. than a million of armed men inip fi. If northern gendemen will do us justice they were successful at first in beat on this great question, we may consent to down the power of Austria. It was submit to lesser evils, We may acquiesce 1 until some of her sons became traitor 1 in a most oppressive revenue system. We ' Hungary was finally overpowered bo may uurrawj a mom unequal uunriouuon oi ( clown, and pressed to death by tlie lone the puWic expenditures. We may bear die loss of our fugitive slaves, incurred because tlie Legislatures of the northern States have nulitied an essential provision of the Consli tion, without which the Union could not have been formed, because mere pecuniary fl riuideraUons are not controlling with us. Hwmay even permit such portions of the northern people as are destitute of proper self respect, to send up here occasionally representatives whose sole business seems to be to irritate as much as possible south ern feeling, and pander to the prejudices of the worst part of the community. We may allow that the northern Slates shall keep up and foster in their bosoms abolition societies whose main purpose is to scatter firebrands throughout the south, to incite servile insur rections, and stimulate, by licentious pictures our negroes to invade the persons of our white women. But if, in addition to all these wrongs and insults, you intend to dc- grade and utterly ruin the South, then tee tion' I go it. We do not love you, people of the North, well enough to become your tlavts. God has given us the power and the will to resist. Our fathers acquired our liberty by the sword, and, with it at every hazard, we will maintain it. But before resorting lo that instrument, I hold that all constitutional means should he exhaus ted. Il is, sir, a wise provision of Prov idence that less force is required to re sist an attack than to make it. The Con stitution of the, UniUsd Suuis has been well framed on these principles. While, there' ure, one hltjr .ol the members may demand the yeas and nays. I spite, therefore of any change of rule which the majority can make.' as tongas this Wmsfim'tional jtrrivim stands, a minority of one fifth or more, if firm and sustained by the people al home, can stop the wheels of the Government, If it is asccrtanerl that" ho'proper se tdement can be gotten, of the Tentorial qnestion, it would be in the power of the southern member lo defeat all the nnnmnmiloo lni ".VfiS- .raJWWt,.StAV8,-.- and -KriSi? il.fi" fiovermM.mi ,W4 4l -I MjJlaaon -of-r took the floor- Perhaps it might be well to give such a cup to northern gentlemen; for 1 well remember that when the civil and diplomatic appro priation bill was under consideration, with die amendment from the Sanatc known as Walker's, which would- have settled the question of slavery in the Territories, a nitih- Iber of northern gendeman resolved to defeat that bill and all other business by constant ly calling for the yeas and nays, if they did not succeed in striking out that amendment. ; I recollect perfectly that while I was pres i t .... r. sing a Pennsylvania member to vote against striking out that amendment, which was the pending motion., member of high standing from Massachusetts said me, "You need not give yourself any trouble alout this matter; if we do not succeed in changing it, we shall prevent it adoption by hav ing the yeas and nays on motions to ad journ, and calls ol the House, till the end fof tlie session." From similar declarations made to me by a number of northern gentle purpose, if the motion to chanee the chrrae- nwo fnluioifi "bill theti' pending ih'the Senate, i .. i : .:ii .t i . c .. . ' lation I tell gentlemen that if We cannot in ad vance get a fair settlement of this question, I should be pleased to see die civil and di plomatic bill, the army and navy bill, and all other appropriations, fail. We should thing worse. I hold it to be the duty of every southern representative to stay here and prevent, till tlie close of our official term, the passage of any measures that might tend to force our people to unjust submission. In the mean time the southern States ciSl'M, in convention, take such steps as might be rr; assembled, That as all just power ie ieri necessary to assert their right to a share in from lh eunstS1 of tlie governed, and rT tlie public territory. If this interregnum special duty of the nKrrcan people ,lo vindM were to continue long.it might drive both tni t ''"'h. it fa hereby dociarr-.i tn the p sections t. make provisional governments, S',VT!7 "5to 'mrnniT wh'rh C to became permanent one. in lie end. fCZXVZS But it is advised, in certain' portions of berenl right to frame their own domes) i laws . the northern press, that the members from to establi h their own local goTernmenta, ioatl that section ought to expel such as inter-' tr' where the provisions el each laws (bd rupt their proceedings. Let them try the cn,'e,ef of etich gnrernmenie do not eonfliet experiment. IteU gentlemen, that this is h rfoi.ione and limii.iione of the ; our slaveholdinir territory. We, ,!n nt in,"? " t""" f vrl Qa tend to leave iu If they think they "can re- moverus, it is a proper case tor trial. In the present temper of the public mind, it is j ,arni ln Committee on the Judiciary be and if probable that a collision of the kind here might eleotrify the country, as did the little skirmish at Lexington the colonies in their then excited state. Sucli a struggle, who ever might prove Ihe victors in it, would not leave here a quorum to do business. Gendemen may call this trtaon-high treason tire highest treason that tlie world ever saw. But thtir words are idle. We shall, defeat their movement against "us.. But even if I thought otherwise, I would still .resist i Sooner than submit to "what they propose, I would rather see the South, like Poland, under the iroij heel of the con queror. I would rather that she should find the fate of Hungary. uiiiuo ami gigantic airengin OLKUSSJL necessary, lot sucn o our fate. Bella, L. 'Warn th Mtingui.hfd fysrlins still 'en fi In ibeir proud chtiocl of TbcrmopTla." Rather lot tlie future traveler, a he pa, over a blackened and desert waste, at Ii exclaim, "Here lived and died as nobl race as die sun ever ' shone upon." If were to Wait until your measures were e suminated, and your coil, like that of a gi serpent, was completely around os, then might be crushed. Seeing the danger, have the wisdom and the courage to ni the attack now, while we have the poi to resist. We must prove victors in i struggle. - IfL we repel the wave of aggn ion now, we shall have peace. The Ab tionista defeated before die country on main issue, will not have power to mo us. I have thus, sir, frankly spoken opinions oil this great question,, wilh purpose to menace, but only to want. G tlemen of the North ought themselves see that; while submission to what t! propose would be ruinous to us, it would in the end be beneficial to their section Seeing, then, the issue in all its bearings is for them to decide. They hold in tl hands the destiny of the existing gov nient. Should circumstances divide m wish that you may prosper. From all knowledge of the elements of yoursocii I have doubts. That we shall, under favor.of..r.iidic,'-m-tdt''eve'nlis71ake of ourselves, I have uo fears. In con Continue to stand with you; attempt to tn pie on us, and we part company. 4JO.VUBKSSiO.-VAI,. tVanhington, Jan. 28 SENATR. After the "morning liour had expired Senate proceeded to the" consideration Senator Butler's Bill of S. C. for rec spoke for two hours, defending and supp ingine mil. lie concluded lus remarks demanding that constitutional proteel should be given to Southern property. When Mr. Mason had gotten throi with hisspoech Mr. Dayton ofN. J., tained the floor, when on motion, lhe -.fi ate adjourned until to-morrow. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVE) To-day was "petition day" in the Ho and a large number were presented. S eral for French Spoliations. . .Amotion, was ump Ar refer thrse t .Select Committee. Another motion i made that they be referred to the vomt tee on Foreign Affairs. The latter mot was adopted, in opposition to die friends the petitions. Mr. Bayly, of Virginia, said he had ceived a petition asking for the establi ment of a Monarchy. The. petition i exceedingly well drawn, but believing Congress had no power to lcffislate ui to offer the following important resolulio It was objected to by Mr. Daniel. J Disney expressed his intention if there lution was admitted, to offer some rcma at at ratliriS tlajr ii jioii Jl : H'hrrtat, The time hu arrival whra a jal (wil fur Ilia pews sod wt dc of lbs republic mnJ not noljr rlur and setun's drfiniiio th lrgUlwiv power of the General Gonrso r Ihe prople of any territory wbich either i brlongH to the Uniud Huiea, or beraafur bm; acquired l.jr them, but abo that such a aVfinil ol thar power shell remain aa s fundamental and wbarodS ihe power of ex duties kgiela orer tbe Diatrict uf Columbia (a a erat of C arc merit ie nereaeary to Ilia unembirraea i it ralinna of Congieee. and ia obriouely rtqiiirei the dignity and neceaaiiiea of Ihe GnvtrSaii while ihe fundamental principles of onr inalilsti deinind lhat aa the Legieltture of Ih Dim Coagreee. wilh a juat regard lo the oalional in ia, ahou'd obey the will ef its people fa relei lo iboee dome.iic raetttrs, and as no neceeeily arise which will demend ib crifire of either prtWeToT the Gernnint or - lb peopie't ril bfcmee Ihry each nay be respected by retrooet the District and eeWcling aotne olber, where b greement, such quest lone nay be permanently lied, and lime tbe iaterteU of the Goeeramenl ihe sentiments of the nsiion, and the rights ef people be alike maintained. Therefor He, otvfd, by the senate and llooae of Reprai ta'ieee of the United Slate of America in C menl Reo'vrJ. That iu order (hat thia ackrtowV menl of the neoDle's riehia m hnnr rtmaii ar hereby intrueld to prepare and report Ie House, with proper Hmitatiooa in regard loth I ritorial extent of eneh community, a euitablef 'won for a amendment to ihe CkmsUluiico ef United State which shall engraft a that rn menl an explicit declaration, of the furegoinf P ciple e r nrrjanie law. " " ' ; Httotutd. That the wilt nf the people of Dietriet of Columbia, of right might at all ti gotrn lb anion of Congraee in relalioa I existence kfalaeery within iU limits. The States were then called, and nurs ous petitions were presented, wle then were ordeied to be suspended.. aad.i ' granting "bounty land to the soldiers of war of 18J2 was introduced. , Twelve amendments were offered to some to include within It provisions It was b at the other day, and under our J soldier of Gen. Wayne (better known
The North-Carolina Star (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Feb. 6, 1850, edition 1
2
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