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Page A4-The Chronicle, Thursday. February 23, 1984
Winston-Salem Ctyroiiicle
Founded 1974
ERNEST H. PITT
NDUB1SI EGEMONYE ALLEN JOHNSON
f i?- htuitlr' t vr\~uii >r Lditor
ELAINE L. PITT JOHN SLADE
Of fur S4un*gr' 4uist*ni tduof
The Little Plan
44lf something ain't broke," the plain-folks maxim
declares, "don't fix it."
If, on the other hand, something is very broken, and inherently
unfair to boot, it ought to be repaired, and with all
due speed and resolve.
A three-judge panel has determined that the multi-member
39t+i House District is "broken" because it makes it difficult
for black candidates to be elected to the North Carolina
House of Representatives, and in so doing violates the
Voting Rights Act.
A better alternative would be several single-member
districts that, like the ward system designed to elect our
aldermen, gives black citizens a much better alternative for
equitable representation than one district that includes most
of Forsyth County and dilutes black voter strength
significantly.
True, two black state House representatives, C.B. Hauser
and Annie Brown Kennedy, were elected^ under the otd
system. But that was clearlv the excention and nnf th^ ml*
as black candidates' earlier losses in the same races show.
Further, opponents of single-member districts argue that
the population of Forsyth County can only support one
predominantly black single-member district. Though it
would all but guarantee one black man or woman in the state
House, they say, it would limit black representation in the
Forsyth County delegation to that one person, since the remaining
districts would be overwhelmingly white -- and
white people have shown a tendency historically not to vote
for black people in droves.
Not true.
North Ward Alderman Larry Little has huddled with some
of his colleagues and devised what he says is a means to carve
two majority-black districts out of the county.
If Little has done all of his homework, and we believe he
has, the plan could mean a major change in black political
leverage in the county and, more importantly, would inject
some old-fashioned fairmindedness into county politics.
Little presented his plan Tuesday night at a meeting of the
Black Political Awareness League and received strone en
_ - - w
dorsemcnts from his fellow black aldermen as welt as the
BPAL membership* and County Commwssi^^ Mazie *.
. Woodruff, ? \ { ?>
The pi 'iffO^iudcftng, however, is the rfest of the For- 1
syth County House delegation, which would introduce it to
the House for consideration, if it decides it wants to.
The other crucial element is public support for the plan,
which no doubt would have a telling effect on how the
delegation behaves.
If an alternative plan is not adopted by March 16, the
court will draw its own plan, though we would prefer for the
process not to go that far. A plan conceived by the people in
a district for the people in that district would be preferable.
So we urge you to study what we'll call henceforth The
Little Plan, ask questions about it and be heard. After all,
if \ VOIir futnro o* '' r
< ? _/vmi iuiuiv (.iitti 3 en 31(inc iiiuic man me TUlUies OT a
handful of politicians.
Moreover, we like what we've seen of the plan and we
think you will, too. But that's for you to decide.
Crosswinds
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Blacks and Jews
From The Philadelphia Tribune.
It was Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. who once said that
wherever there was discrimination and oppression against
Jews, he would be compelled to join his Jewish brothers and
sisters in raising his voice in protest, whether or not they
sought his help.
King made the same point about religious discrimination
in referring to his support for Catholics. Neverthless, Dr.
King's support for the Jewish liberation cause was intertwined
with the civil and human rights movement of AfricanAmericans.
Thus, King's repeated reference to "our Jewish friends"
was no accident, in tact, history will clearly show that Jewish
support, physically, mentally, financially and otherwise,
went to the very core of the civil rights movement.
Whether it was because the enemy Ku Klux Klan and Nazis
repeatedly bunched Jews and blacks together or that our
historical ordeals seemed parallel in our plight for survival
and freedom, Jews and blacks stuck together. There was a
bond which seemed everlasting as the civil rights movement
reached its pinnacle.
But what has happened to change all of this is a serious
question facing both the Jewish and African-American communities
locally, nationally and internationally. The two
communities in Philadelphia have gone adrift and there is no
denying the fact.
Since the great days of the civil rights movement, things
have certainly changed considerably. Both communities apparently
have separate agendas and both communities have
gone about in separate directions seeking to attain their full
p< ? ctiiials.
Please see page A5
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Black lawye
By CLIFTON GRAVES^
Chronicle Columnist |;
. j,
M e should organize die country over, o
Raise funds and employ counsel. *
Then, if an individual is denied some f
rig hi or privilege, let the race make N
his wrnnv ih^ii c/n/u; .ih.i /?.? ?/?-. r
- ...? v u?.u UMII l(7.M Iflf L
cause in law. C
. F
I: J. Waning, H
Baltimore's first black attorney F
S!
The black lawyer should be a social c
engineer. li
Charles Houston, i\
Lena/Pioneer p
ir
Charles H. Houston, William *
Henr> Hastie, James A. Nabrit Jr., a,
Leon Ransom, Oliver Hill, Spott- r
swood Robinson, Wile> Brent on, |y
Joseph Wadd\, Hope Stevens, A jn
Leon Higginbotham, William a
Bryant, George Crockett, Bruce T
Wright, Hanv Toussaint Alexander, ui
Constance Baker Motle>, Julius L. tl
ChambeKv Jasper'A. (Jack) Atkins
and ThCK^eodfr Niarshalt -- with the tf
exception 61 'the lattei, not a e<
household name among them. h
Yet, those knowledgeable of the
detei mined and protracted struggle ol "
African-Americans to achieve equali- 0
t> and to make this nation live up to 'r
*the true meaning of its creed b> a
challenging the legal underpinnings ir
of rarivm und iniuc.t ? ?
....W MljUlllVVl (II V. l^UIIW u
familiar with the efforts of black bat - li
ristets. cl
The problem
By DR. MANNING MARABLE I
Guest Columnist <
,
Since Jesse Jackson has announced \
his candidacy for the presidency, a I
number of black elected officials and i
civil rights leaders have continued to
back former Vice President Waltei c
Mondale. I
They insist that our principal goal 1
should be the defeat of Ronald . /
Reagan next November, and that P
yiontiale has the best chance of
defeating the incumbent president.
An> black candidate is simply a
we take apart some of these flawed
and faulty assumptions about national
politics. [
First, our immediate political goal i
must not be simply the defeat of
Ronald Reagan, but the entire reac- v
tionary philosophs of Reaganism - r
the elimination of public programs in (
health care, jobs, public housing and (
welfare; the buildup of both convcn- s
tional and nucleai weapons; an ex- c
pansionist and imperialist foreign t
policy abroad; and the repudiation of <.
the very concept of social justice for |
blacks, Hispanics, women, gays and
lesbians, the elderly, poor people and I
the disabled. \
Politically, this requires that the 1
black community target all of f
Reagan's supporters for defeat in the
CAPITAL PUMKHMeNT IS OH ?
A e\v\Lrz\ki6 foccG j
$iiirwNMi
' /
rs and black
Jt was thestaunch belief of black
iw>ers that the battle for equal
stice under the law must be waged
>n several fronts. Until 1929, one
'front" ? the sociopolitical protest
lont -- had been fairly well-covered.
1en and women such as Frederick
)ouglass, Sojourner Truth, W.E.B.
)u Bois, Henry McNeil Turner, A.
Tiillip Randolph, Mary McLeod
lethune, Walter White, Langston
lughes and Paul Robeson had conistentl>
singed AmericaVconscience,
hallenging the hypocrisy of this naon's
ways.
Yet, despite
n ^ mJus ic Jiyf
merican life.
his was " I iBr"
rrderscored by
ie official Clifton Graven
tnctioning of
ie farcial doctrine of "separate but
^ual" enunciated by this nation's
ighesf court in Plessy vs. Ferguson
1896), a pronouncement that opened
ie floddgates for white racists to
verturn the minimal gains made durig
Reconstruction. That doctrine
Iso prompted states (North Carolina
tcluded) to pass constitutional
mendments establishing poll taxes,
teracy tests and "grandfather
lauses" in the attempt to disen!
with Walte,
Movembei 1984 election. It also
iemands support for progressive
epresentatives of civil rights interests
,.u~ ..u?n 1 - -
*nu wiictucngc mouerates insiae tne
Democratic Party primaries this coning
spring and summer.
I am much more optimistic about
)ur ability to defeat congressional
*eaganites than I am about the
emoval of the incumbent president.
\s things now stand, either Walter
^londale, John Glenn or Reagan will
"What's wrong with Mondale? F
new; We are witnessing a revival
and 1972 presidential campaigns
?e inaugurated in January 1985, and
Reagan is the clear favorite.
Among the white males currently
.eeking the Democratic Party's
lomination, only Alan Cranston and
Jeorge McGovern could be identified
is "progressives." But neithei hav*?
ubstantial links with black, Latino
>r labor groups, and the tardy enranee
of McGovern has all but scot:hed
any "dark horse" possibilities
'or the California liberal.
What's wrong with Mondale?
-irst, Mondale's strategy is not new:
>Ve are witnessing a revival of Hubert
-I. Humphrey's 1968 and 1972
residential campaigns.
Mondale's crucial base of support
IT CLEACLY etfta/K "THE CClltoNM- '
fCONV "TOE COLLECTIVE ~ ^ <
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>
f
Sv**D<CA.l I
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progress
franchise blacks, and led tcr the legaT^
establishment of apartheid, USAstyle,
in all aspects of American life.
Thus, in 1929, when Mordecai
Johnson, president of Howard
University, tapped the young,
brilliant Harvard-trained lawyer
named Charles Hamilton to head the
university's law school, the legal
status of the African American was
relatively unchanged from what it
had been in 1829. The legal trappings
of slavery had been ostensibly removed
(by the 13th the 14th Amendments),
but the day-to-day condition
of the black man - legally, socially,
economically and politically -- was
still that of a captive in his own land.
Charlie Houston set out to altei
this situation. And with his second
cousin, Bill Hastie, along with colleagues
and former students such as
Atkins, Nabtit, Hill, Robinson and
Marshall, developed a cadre of btack"
legal talent and expertise that in time
J I! * II -
wuuiu ineraiiy ana legally destro> dejure
segregation in America, and
would later inspire an entire generation
of black and white attorneys to
no low 4s i.
tor ot an antiquated status quo, but
as the defender .of basic human
rights, as well as the catalyst foi
social change.
While that view has been dimmed !
somewhat in recent years, entities
such as the National Conference on
Black Lawyers, the Legal Defense
Fund, the National Bar Association,
the North Carolina Association of
Please see page A5 !
1
r Mondale
is organized labor, big city
Democratic Party organizations and
the most moderate elements of national
minority leadership-. His
speeches and policy statements clearly
indicate that he is not a progressive or
true liberal, but a moderate in the
Cold Wat Liberal tradition.
Black leaders who have now committed
themselves to Mondale's campaign
insist he is the "most liberal"
candidate who has any hope of derail7rst,
Mondale's strategy is not *
r of Hubert Humphrey's 1968
9 9
ing Reagan. This may be true: II
Mondale wins the nomination, a
larger number of minorities, labor
and other liberal constituents will *
turn out than if Glenn is the nominee. s
But this obscures the more fundamental
issues ? which are how can *
we build a stronger civil rights move- \
ment, and how can we reverse the ad- r
vances of Reaganitc conservatism? 1
Moreovei'7 how can we seriousl> e\- "
pand the electorate in 1984 to include (
millions of young people, blacks,
Hispanics, women and poor people?
Working for Mondale in the f
Democratic primary does not do this, ^
and, in fact, it virtually guarantees f
Please see page A5
kND TteCW/ ?9AFRS\\? COULD NDU SOCIAL
C0NTB*rr B? MOGE 0
\/?n spsapic?
Cffjj
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Chronicle Letter
Let's get
behind Jacksoi[
To The Kdilor: ^
I feel that it is the time for black
to come togethet as one. The Rev
Jesse Jackson has taken a grea
stand b> making his proposed bic
101 president of the United States
Instead of saying it isn't his time o?
he isn't financially capable, we
should back him with pra>et and
moral support. ^
If we take time to remembei
about another powerful black
leader^ the Rev. Martin Luther
ICino. Ir it fnok nnifv ;inH tirorxViti
....... - . .. ? "<; MilVi .111 VII5HI
for him to accomplish the goals
that he set out to achieve. (This is
not to compare Jackson to King).
Another outstanding group ol
individuals were out ancestors.
They united because they had onl>
each other. They managed to sta>
together during years of bondage.
Our ancestors withstood the hard
work and the abusive manner in
which they were treated. Jackson's
name should be included on thii
list.
The black community makes a
difference in the political field.
Our 18 million eligible voters is
enough power to make or break
presidents. This effort should not
be turned into a racist campaign.
We can support Jackson in every
effort that he undertakes. He
needs support from his people.
Jackson went to Syria and
negotiated with the Syrians and
secured the release of Lt. Robert
Goodman. If he didn't have people
supporting him, his mission would
have ended in failure.
Another effort that Rev.
Jackson has proposed is his platform
consisting of six main objectives:
enforcement of voting rights
act, voter registration, the equal
rights amendment, affirmative action,
U.S. policy in El Salvador,
and blacks in the Democratic Par
lt" we support Rev. Jackson, we
will give him that valuable element
of confidence.
Bishop Lawrence S. Tale
Winston-Salem
Support Schools
To The Lditor:
1 enjoyed the article "Black
Alumni Giving: It's Improving
Slowly But Still Below Pat" appearing
in one of the December
rssues.
As past alumni president of the
Winston-Salem State University
Alumni Association, 1 have given
nany hours of my time and
energy. It was an honor to serve
ny alma mater. The loyalty that
\c have is undescrihahlp
Many of our graduates were
rained as teachers and nurses. It
-vas not until the late 1970s that the
business administration program
vas added. Therefore, educational
md medical institutions do not
natch annual giving donations
?uch as business and corporations.
Alumni have a tendency to
designate their funds for their area
)f interest. Personally, if athletes
vho are alumni woudid~paiTrcrpare^
vith their time, talents and gifts,
naybe Coach tkBighouse4' Gaines
:ould support four students (in tate
or out-of-state).
Wake Potest, A&T, North
Carolina Central, and the Univerity
of Noith Carolina at Chapel
Hill alumni who have benefited
torn athletic scholarships have
>ride. Sad to sa>, my fellow alumti
in this category have triixed feelngs
about loyalty. 1 know the proHem
but everything can't be put
>n nanei.
I agree with Walter Brown at
>haw Universit), whom I had the
nivilege to work with on the
Vinston-Salem State Univcrsit>
:oundation Board. He said, "PeoPlease
see page A5
fF WITH THEIR HEAD*// |*
4 ?