North Carolina Newspapers is powered by Chronam.
10Th3 Daily Tor HeelFriday, November 21. 1SSO
Gicr.GE Shad?ouj, Editor
D.N'iTA Jamis, Managing Editor
Da ad Kutrow, Associate Editor
Pam KntiY, Associate Editor
Karen Rovouy, News' Editor
' Linda Brown, University Editor
Martha Waggoner, City Editor
Makx MuKsm, S&t crj National Editor
Bill F'.ILDS, Sprit Editor
James Alexander, Features Editor
Tcm Mocxz. ! rrj Editor
Scott Shasfe, Photography Editor
Ann Pett.es, Weekender Editor
V I i ! ' ' H
8Sth year of editorial freedom
I unimg inwara
rirsl of two parts
Sometimes the question of black white relations seems so complicated that
it's frustrating. Students who sincerely want to break down remaining racial
barriers often find themselves uncertain of how to best achieve their goal. For
example, complete integration is one answer some students would suggest.
But, as the blackwhite series this week indicates (see Page 1), many blacks
do not want total integration. Neither do many whites. The problem cannot
be resolved without understanding the motivation behind this "voluntary
On Tuesday night Black Muslim Nationalist Louis Farrakhan shared his
dream of an independent black nation in America with hundreds of students.
It is, however, a dream born out of- bitterness and frustration. He simply
accepts that blacks will never achieve an equal place in a white society. His
By JOHN DRESQHER
The U.S. Senate passed a bill Tuesday
that prohibits the UJS. Department of
Justice from asking courts to use busing
to achieve racial balance in public
At the moment, it is difficult to tell
what the effects of the bill would be if it
were signed by President Carter and
became law. The Justice Department has
initiated many busing cases in the past
and some feel that pro-busina Dolicies
will be hurt deeply by the elimination of the
Others feel that the bill's effect would
not be substantial. The bill only limits
the Justice Department from initiating
action; it does not limit the courts from
making rulings that would enforce
Professor Joel Schwartz of the UNC
political science department is one who
feels that the Senate's bill would not be
effective in drastically reducing busing.
But Schwartz said he felt the bill has
"It's more important symbolically,"
Schwartz said. "In terms of large-scale
change, blacks have had to depend on
the executive branch to change the status
) z- 1
I ' ""r . i 1
' (j - - ,
- - lJJi)
'separate but equol" policies of 20 years
ago. "If you don't take compensatory
measures, then it's a lie to say that you
are not engaging in discrimination and
they ought to admit it," Schwartz said.
views are vastly different from those of students on campus who want quo. Now the Senate is telling them 'you
cultural separation because of pride in their heritage a phenomenon not
peculiar to blacks or other ethnic groups., However, a segregation stemming
from hatred, exclusivism or selfishness can only stifle positive advancement.
We do not take the dim view of blackwhite relations that Minister
Farrakhan espouses, but it is not always difficult to understand from where
the foundation of his vision comes. It is built in places like Chapel Hill.
A poll taken recently by The Daily Tar Heel shows that more blacks than
whites consider the University's efforts to integrate inadequate; more blacks
than whites believe more should be done to recruit black students; more
blacks than whites advocate a more extensive tutoring program for blacks.
Still, there are differences among blacks as a group, too. Some blacks favor
the abolishment of all organizations that do not meet strict integration
requirements, but most do not. Others think blacks should receive
preferential treatment in both admissions and graduate requirements, but the
vast majority do not.
What is increasingly evident as we enter the 1980s is the emerging
differences of opinions blacks and whites have about the future. Blacks
believe the struggle for equal opportunity has just begun. More and more
whites contend programs like Affirmative Action have wiped the slate clean
and have created an equitable society. These two opinions are destined to
clash, and are certain to become a focal point of this country's attention and
energies in the 1950s. However, we disagree with those who consider the slate
clean. We believe blacks seek nothing other than their due: to be accepted as
equals. A history of discrimination has impeded blacks from achieving this
Statistics further illustrate this at Carolina. Only 7.9 percent of the
students on this campus are black. Segregation still exists, much of it a result
of feeling unwanted and insecure. This feeling of isolation has caused many
blacks to turn inward as a group for social activities, for housing, and for
friendship, Thjs turning inward is not as much voluntary as it is necessary. It
is the dream of Minister Farrakhan in microcosm. And it is a sure sign that
blackwhite relations on this campus are hardly acceptable.
can't look to the federal government as a
possible force for change. , They (the
Senate) are symbolically sending a
The message is not a good one for
blacks or whites. Senators like Jesse
Helms, R-N.C, and Strom Thurmond,
R-S.C, are saying that the issue is not
desegregation, but simply whether a
child should have to go to a school
which isn't closest to his home.
That reasoning is a gross
simplification of the true issue. The issue
is integration and whether we seriously
want it, and it is doubtful that Helms or
Thurmond want much more than the
By restricting busing, we decrease the
possibility that neighborhoods
themselves will become integrated,
and consequently the possibility that
public school education can be
somewhat equal for all socio-economic
classes. Other integration attempts have
been made, but they simply don't work.
Busing has not, as Helms has said,
"tormented little children and in the
process destroyed the quality of
education in America." In fact, busing
in many cities has effectively achieved its
I U 1 J t I --"'
Charlie Donnelly is the principal of
Quail Hollow Junior High in Charlotte,
a landmark city for integration achieved
through busing. Although Dannelly's
school is 30 percent black and in an
upper middle class white neighborhood
'Dannelly's said relations between black
and white students were the best they
had ever been.
"In my school, their relationship is
great," Donnelly said. "If there is a
misunderstanding between students, it's
because of immaturity, not because of
color. We don't have racial slurs
anymore. I think you'll fuM it that way
in most of the city." .
Busing was once a sore subject in
Charlotte, but that has changed with
time, Dannelly said.
"We've probably achieved more than
anyone in the country. It goes to show
that busing will work if people want it
to. I don't think anyone is opposed to
the purposes and distances cf tusirg."
Ah, the distances. This, prcruib'y,
is what Helms is referring to when he
speaks cf tormented children. It is true
that some children are bused long
distances when there is a school near by,
but both Dannelly and Schwartz said
that children riding long distances in
school buses was nothing new. Children
from the country have always had long
bus trips, Donnelly said. It is city
children who ore most affected by the
distances of busing policies. These
children arc often black and yet it
seems whites are the ones most opposed
to busing, usually for the same reason as
Helms and Thurmond. They really want
Perhaps busing's greatest
achievements have not been in schools,
but in housing. A two-year study by
Diana Pearce of the Catholic
University's Center for National Policy
Review showed that busing had
increased the rate cf integration in many
cities by as much 32.7 percent (Charlotte
had the highest rate in the study). White
families have realized that they cannot
escape integrated schools by fleeing to
the suburbs, so they have begun to
remain in cities. Race relations and cities
are better for it.
Busing is not always the solution. Los
Angeles was an example given by
Schwartz of a city where busing hasn't
worked. It does hove shortcomings. Yet,
it remains one of the most effective ways
to integrate blacks and whites in this
country. Carter would do well to veto
the anti-busing legislation.
The bill clearly is at least a symbolic,
effort to turn bock the clock to a time cf
segregation we don't want to see again.
John Drescher, a junior journalism
major from Raleigh, is an editorial
assistant for The Daily Tax Heel.
By MELANIE SILL
Standing on the steps of South Building Thursday afternoon, one UNC
alumnus remarked that the "Rally for Justice" brought back some memories
"The last time I was here protesting was May of 1970," he said. But he
added that there were a few major differences between the 1970 protest and
Thursday's protest of both the Greensboro Klan-Nazi trial verdict and the
resurgence of racism. For one thing, the 1970 protest was in response to the
Cambodia bombings and the killing of four students at Kent State by
National Guardsmen. It was a bit larger, too.
"They had a big stage set up in front of South Building, and it was filled
up, and students were sitting all the way back to Wilson Library," the
alumnus said. Most of the protesters stayed in their spots for two nights
before many of them left to protest in Washington, D.C.
People who have been around the University for a few years say
Thursday's protest, which brought more than 800 people to South Building,
was the largest UNC has seen since the 1970 gathering. Though the actions
being protested in 1970 and Thursday were different, the emotions that were their
impetus were no doubt similar. In both instances, students feared for their
futures, and felt frustrated by government actions and social tensions, but
were united by a determination to effect a change.
Many historians now say student protests of the Vietnam War helped end
Let us hope that some day historians will point to student activism in the
'80s as an agent that helped stem the tide of racism that has emerged at the
beginning of this decade.
It's been five days since the last marijuana cigarette
was finished, but the air at UNC still hasn't cleared of
reaction to Sunday's Yippie-sponsored smoke-in on the
Phone calls and letters began coming in to UNC and
state officials, including Gov. Jim Hunt, after
television stations and newspapers reported on the
event. Although only about 200 people lit up in the Pit,
the sight of pot smokers breaking the law in front of
television cameras, newspaper reporters and passers-by
apparently angered some parents and University
"I've responded by saying that the University does
not condone breaking the law," said Chancellor
Christopher C. Fordham III. "I think they (some
critics) have been misled by thinking that this was a big
thing, when it wasn't."
Fordham's downplaying of the smoke-in's
significance was in line with the way the UNC
administration handled the event. No uniformed police
officers were present Sunday, and University officials
were reluctant to say much about the smoke-in. .
"The event was not scheduled and it was not
sponsored by a group qualified to assemble on or use
University property," Fordham said. "If it had been a
scheduled event, obviously the campus authorities
would have been present to keep order."
The smoke-in itself was a peaceful gathering, with
little activity other than conversation, pot-smoking and
a little Frisbee-throwing. Yippie organizers John
Ganga and Ruth Greene said they were glad the campus
police had stayed away.
What Gonga and Greene would't say, though, was
that the lack of officiol public attention to the smoke-in
took away much of the drama and impact of the event.
Before the smoke-in, sponsors said they wanted to
protest and draw attention to what they saw as
illegitimate and repressive drug laws. Ganga also said
he wanted to help create a feeling of unity and
solidarity among young people on campus.
The University undoubtedly wanted to avoid what it
may have seen as a far more serious possibility than a
few. people many of them unrelated to the
University smoking marijuana. Much worse would
have been confrontations and perhaps even violence
between police and demonstrators violence that
would have been virtually uncontrollable and could
have led to hostility and misunderstandings later.
Frederic Schroeder Jr., director of the Division of
Student Affairs Office of Student Life, said several
meetings of administrators and police representatives
had been held to decide how to handle the smoke-in.
"The persons within the University who- were
' discussing this were attentive to possible results of
overreaction," Schroeder said. "That was something
we wanted to avoid."
Schroeder said most of those who called his office to
complain or express concern had seemed to understand
his explanation of the administration's actions.
"Some of the media, perhaps, were not aware of the
nonstudent status of many of the more visible
participants in the smoke-in. Simply in watching the -film
of the event, one got the impression that there .
were more students there than there actually were.
"In my view, these were persons who had no
connection to the University community at all," he
Though there were outsiders present Sunday, many
of those at the smoke-in were students. The feeling of
unity and solidarity that Ganga had hoped for was not
apparent, though the Yippie organizers sold they were
pleased with the smoke-in. Ganga later said protest of
marijuana laws wasn't the only reason for sponsoring
"When you say you're going to have a smoke-in, the
press jumps all over it," Gonga said. "We knew that if
we just hod a Rock Agoinst Rocism, we wouldn't get
any publicity for it, so we decided to come in and have
a smoke-in first.
Ganga was right about the publicity. Several North
Carolina newspapers carried stories before the smoke
in, and at least one commercial television station sent
a crew Sunday. Instead of drawing support for the
Rock Against Racism held in the New Tin Can Tuesday
night, though, the smoke-in may have kept many
students from coming to the second Yippie-sponsored
event on campus. .
If the smoke-in were viewed as a contest of strategy,
the University emerged as the victor. Despite the
criticism voiced this week by those outside the
University, a potentially explosive situation was
'We know that if we just had a Rock
Against Racism, we wouldn 't get any
publicity for it, so we decided to
come in and have a smoke-in first. '
As a form of protest, the smoke-in was only
marginally successful. Demonstrators broke the law
and weren't arrested for it, but there was little cohesion
among those ' committing the crime smoking
marijuana seemed the only common purpose and
little effect on the lawmakers who hove power over
Perhaps the worst consequence of staging the tmoke
in was the undermining of the value of the Rock
Against Racism, which was sponsored by Students
Against Militarism, the National Rock Against Racism
and the N.C. Yippies. Ganga and others were happy
with the turnout and participation at the RAR. but
several students shored the Impression expressed by I lorry
Woods, who showed up at the Tin Can Tuesday night.
"They're (RAR sponsors) trying to relate to the
public like this, but the only people who show up are
the pot-heads," Wood said.
Melanie Sill, a senior journalism major from Wcipahu,
Hawaii, is an editorial assistant for The Dally Tcr I led.
i hrs irrm
ledia give Covington ouch good ply ?
By BRAD KUTROW
Harold Covington is an incongruous,
almost comic frure in his khaki
uniform, leather gunbelts and swastika
armband. He affects a fearsome
appearance vulh a bushy, brown beard,
sideburns and severe ure-rimmed
jJaM.cs. He speaks of anachronisms like
"The Aryan people" and "a racist
Mecca." Why, then, is Harold
Covington in the news?
Covin;:.!o:i is the outspoken leader of
the stole's Notions! Socialist Party, the
Nais. He is an officer in the national
liin irty z uc'S. Since he crpinLred
i!:? its!- poup in 1976, Covington has
iv.;, :.!eJ for spce in the news columns
of state newspapers, and he has
succeeded m an ahrnins number of
Durin;- the trul of ix Ku ICb
KLn-i-n N-i for t!.e ihootir-s cf
five Cor.nuutmt Workers Party
1 :o J I N ;r ' .r,
.., !, t r t ' : v -v ,..!!. v,..i a
rc- y v of vc!.:.-f..! for
I i"t :i.ru-. ,' t! - tri !. ; ' J a l' ry
! '. : ?. i r. "J
. i P:
the verdict. Covington's assessment of
the decision acquitting the Nozis and
Klansmen as "fantastic" was mentioned
in most state newspaper accounts, and
he made the Washington Post, with a
picture, earlier this week. The Daily Tar
llccl ran two pictures cf Covington at
his press conference in Raleigh on
Wednesday and printed a lengthy
feature story on him last November.
Covington's position as a leader in the
tiny Nazi Party does not really lend
much credence to his comments. In
North Carolina, there are Nazi units in
seven counties Wake, Forsyth,
Richmond, Rockingham, Johnston,
Mitchell and Harnett each with a
handful of members. Yet the Nazis
frequently male news, and Forsyth
County leader Rc'ind Wood uascmcng
those charged with the Greensboro
The skill CoUngton ib for
mampuUtir.2 the media may his c been
ho-.d during his dys cn newspapers.
His tzd-A beliefs or.d tbi'ity to nulc
headlines fir4,! emerged when he was a
student a Chrpc! H.ll Hi4-h S.hocl. He
cd.tcr ct tne sc:;ooi
re 1 senior v.:r, and
t oih developed and
1, h x ub 1 jr.rs.
V i - - 1
r.. :.i w ,:s
Ob :! u d.r
I:i I i
CV... . .1 r.
classmates as threatening. The editorials
he wrote for the school paper and his
pieces for the ihcn-Chapel I till Weekly
seem to reflect this racism.
After high school Covington floated
through the Army, Rhodesia and Los
Angeles, serving briefly as the editor cf
the jNazi Party mazarine, White Power.
Since-his return to North Carolina in
1976. Covington has w orked to build the
state Nazis into a political force and ran
last year for mayor of Raleigh. He also
ran last spring in the Republican primary
for attorney general, despite the
repeated disavowals cf support by GO?
officials, and took a surprisingly large
percentage cf the vote from winner
Keith Snyder. Most observers attributed
fus f c.tivc success to the trtfertunot?
fact that Snyder's name sounded mere
malevolent and "Naei-UU" than
eltill, CV. io; ton manages to turn i p in
rew$ stories. This is largely due to the
cult; tous r.:.t
ted ly the
f his party's
- tt rcg--rs rc
' f f )i i-r -
Co.; '..'.i press co-.f ::- ee rr.ces for
t .;. ::r io;y. On Ti ' y, Cr-hrd i:h
wl tie t'o-i a ',J .y for lb: Nads
;o j Klo o. :.i to. u.J, u Grrrr.sbofo.
Covington outlined his plan for the
state. He intends to create a "Carolina
Free State" separate from the rest cf the
notion, which would "serve as a
homeland and haven for all white men
and women of all Aryan peoples." The
Carolina would be promoted as the
"racist Mecca" cf the w orld, and white
racists from around the country would,
Covington hopes, come to Carolina.
Docs a plan this outrageous, with so
little hope cf success, in fact deserve any
mention in the state's newspapers? Met
editors, reluctantly, would agree that it
does. The only thing worse than
overplaying a member. rfj he right- cr
I:ft-winj fringe like Covington would be
to ignore him.
In order to achieve these objective!
and broaden his group's appeal,
Covington f lans to change its r.aer.e to
zt irt y . huJ - t- J I .
uniforms and Third-Reich re;:.bi. H;
has even pledged to to underground to
avoid "persecution" from the state and
federal governments. Jcurr.aliiti,
ho ever, should r.at be ccr.er.t to l.t
Covington wander trcunj ur.r.n;IceJ in
right f.e!J. As Icrg z peeple lr.o.v wh:t
he's op to, he con l b : i g? 1 3 v cry r, :.:.!:.
o- ; .
; a i.
: r r . i r
' . sh v