Washington, Oct. 10—President
Roosevelt, in his address at the
opening of the special session of
Congress which is considering his
proposal to repeal the embargo
agaigst the sale of weapons and
ammunition to any nation at
war, appealed to the Senators
and Representatives, and infer
entially to the people of the na
tion, to approach the subject In
a non-partisan spirit. The na
tion must stand as a unit, he
said, in its efforts to keep the
United States out of the Euro
pean war.
On that last part of his appeal,
that the country should be of a
single mind about keeping out of
war, his message struck a re
sponsive chord. And there is no
doubt in the mind of any ex
perienced observer in Washing
ton that if there were general
agreement that the President's
program would keep the country
out of war. Congress would go a
long way, almost unanimously, to
back him up. But there is no
such agreement, either in Con
gress or outside of it.
There is no way of checking up
on the partisan affiliations of
nearly a million voters who have
written letters to their represent
atives in Congress urging action
one way or the other on the Neu
trality Act, in the past few weeks.
The vast majority of the letters
oppose the President's plan. But
how many of them are Republi
cans and how many Democrats
nobody knows, and whether they
are motivated by sincere belief in
the matter, or by a partisan de
sire to block anything which Mr.
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Roosevelt advocates, none can
tell.
In Washington, however, it is
easier to draw conclusions. Sen
ators and Representatives, with
few exceptions, are paying slight
heed to the President's appeal for
"the adjournment of partisan
ship" so long as the present Euro
pean crisis lasts.
Party Line-up
The battle against the repeal of
the arms embargo is so definite
ly a battle of Republicans against
Democrats that it has had the ef
fect, among other things, of
bringing back into support of the
Administration many Democrats
who have been opponents of the
President in most of his recent
nmgr&m. including Alfred E.
Smith. Even venerable Senator
Carter Glass of Virginia, whose
feud with Mr. Roosevelt has been
of more than six years' duration,
is back again in the same fold
with such New Dealers as Sena
tors Pepper of Florida and Bilbo
of Mississippi. Senators Pat Har
rison, Harry Byrd and "Cotton
Ed" Smith of South Carolina also
are back. The fight therefore, is
distinctly a party battle, each
side believing that its victory will
strengthen its party's chances of
success in the 1940 Presidential
election.
That, and not neutrality in any
real sense, is the actual issue. The
wheel-horses of the battle on the
Republican side are Senators Ar
thur Vandenberg of Michigan.
Hiram Johnson of California,
Borah of Idaho and Nye of North
Dakota.
That the Republicans intend to
take the fullest political advan
tage of the neutrality debates is
undisputed. The belief here is
that the member of that party
who will gain the greatest per
sonal political advantage is Sen
ator Vandenberg. Mr. Vanden
berg is an avowed candidate for
the Presidency, as he was in
1936. He has been sounding the
slogan: "Keep America out of
War" for many months, and has
gained a much larger popular
following than he had a year ago,
THE ELKIN TRIBUNE, ELKIN. NORTH CAROLINA
by his repetition of that warning.
Vandenberg's chances for the Re
publican nomination seem to
Washington politicians to be bet
ter than ever. Polls of public
opinion still show District At
torney Thomas E. Dewey of New
York in first place, but with Van
denberg gaining, and far ahead
of Senator Taft.
Third Term Sentiment
On the other hand, the same
polls show a surprising increase
in public sentiment for a third
term for Mr. Roosevelt. That is
accounted for here by the Presi
dent's oft-repeated declaration
I that he intends to keep America
! out of war. On that point he has
practically the whole people with
him, or would if all literally be
lieved in his program.
The belief in important politi
jeal circles in both parties that we
l are not going to war, whether or
jno, would appear to be back of
I the efforts of both parties to be
iin a position to claim credit for
! keeping the United States out of
war.
The most complete confirma
tion of the attitude of the Re
publican leaders to reject Mr.
Roosevelt's request for the ad-
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. 0
journment of partisanship was
the address of Chairman John D.
M. Hamilton of the Republican
National Committee, in which he
declared that the President was
asking Congress to become an
other rubber-stamp to give him a
blanket indorsement. Members of
both parties went along with the
President in 1933, when the na
tional emergency was apparent to
everybody, but no such emer
gency now exists, Mr. Hamilton
said.
Pros and Cons
What will be the final action of
Congress, it is difficult to fore
cast. The bill reported by the
Senate Foreign' Relations Com
mittee, commonly known as the
Pittman Bill, is not entirely sat
isfactory to either side, and espe
cially to Senator Johnson, author
of the Johnson Act forbidding the
United States to give credit to
any nation in default on its debts
to pur government. The "cash
and carry" provisions of the Pitt
man bill, as first drafted, give
ninety days credit on the sale of
munitions.
That is the picture of coming
events in Washington as the cur
tain rises on what may well
prove to be the most heated,
long-drawn-out and momentous
discussion since those which led
to the declaration of war in 1917.
MAKE FISH HAPPY
Ruth—No wonder you like to
fish. It makes the little dears so
happy.
Jack—How do you know?
Ruth—They're always wagging
their tails when you pull them
out of the water.
IT'S THE TROMBONE
Neighbor—What's the mattefl,
Your playing sounds like the bel
lowing of a sick bull.
Young Trombonist I don't
know what's the matter with my
instrument. I blow in sweet but
it comes out rotten.
MOTHER TONGUE
Willie—Say, Dad, who do they
call English the "mother ton
gue"
Dad—Just observe who uses it
the most around this house, son;
then you'll know.
One rabbit produced 173 young
in one year in Moscow and was
honored with a statue.
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Thursday, October 12, 1939