Newspapers / The Charlotte Democrat (Charlotte, … / Jan. 8, 1856, edition 1 / Page 2
Part of The Charlotte Democrat (Charlotte, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
iMii-SlUEVrSMKSSAGE. -FeUov-dtikunM nf the Striate and oftiu Ifoiisr of Jltprtienldtires: T: ' -: : t u t io u of the United States pro a .- that ongreafl shall u. mb!.' unnunlly .0:1 the first Monday of DecesDaber, and it has been ti sua! for the f'residi nt tomakenoooiii makicoti n f public character ti the (Jennie and House of HejaKMiitarivcatnitfl 'mlii- d ftftl ir readiness to receive it I bare ! !'. i-r. i to tiii- usage eutil tho close nfthe fir. t motttb .f the fmnioarba my con victions of d itv will not permit rnc longer to postpone the in'xcbax of the oi li pdlfoa en-, joined by the ('nnstiti lion anon the Presi- 1 at, t gi to Um "'Ugre-s information nf the state of the I irion, and n-eonoaend to then? eonsblenttion neb measures as be thall judge necc.i? .ry and expedient." It w math c of congratulation that the Republic is t uncuilly advancing in earee of prosperity and peace. ' rOKSMS V.l'.I. ATIons. - ,i:m i:ai. Ajh:i:I a. Whilst relations of entity continn eto ?x i -t between :!: United State and all foreign powers, with coute ol them grave ijnestHMMs arc depending, which in&y require the con sideration "f Congress. Of such questions, the most important is tlj:;t which baa arisen oat of the negotia tions with Great Britain in reference to Central America, By tho convention oneluded between the two govcr nnwut on the lOtli of April, 1630, both parties covenanted, tbat "neither will ever occupy, or foitifv. or rolouiae, or as some, or exercise any dominion ov r. Nicara gua, Cos In Rica, the Mosquito coast, orari p.-irt of Ceiitn ! America. It v.-.-i- the undoubted understanding of tin- United State - iii ranking thi - treaty, tbat ail the present Slates of tbe finemcr republic of Central America, and the entin ti rritory ntf each would thencrJorth enjoy complete huh pi udence, and that both eontrntthig partita engaged equally.- and to the same extent, for the present aid for Ibe future, that if either then !.: ! any c laim of right in Central America, such laiin, nod nil occu j:itio;i or nutltority nnder it, were unrc aarvedfy relinquished hv the ptipulotion of the couv utin; and that no dominion anas tli rea filer to be esenmied or assumed in any part of Central America, by Ureal lirita t t! United State. Thus gov ( rumi-nt consented In restriction in regj rd U a region of country, wherein w had specific and peculiar interest!, only npon the pouviction thai the, like restriction were in the Barns sense obligatory on tireaj Britain. But for this undcrst n nding of the for . aud ii. : of the m ntion, it uroohl i. v r hare l cn i;onolu U t by u. So clear was this nitderstanding on the part of the United States, that, hi correa nundence roatemporaneons with the rati6 eation of the Cmirenthm, it was distinctly express d, thai the mutual eoeena tits of uon nccapation were not iuteuded to apply to the British ei4nldlslnnen1 ::t the fahne. Tbbi qualtficatioo is to le ascribed t. tl;e luct, that, in rirtoe of successive treaties with preriooa Mreerehrns of the rouutry, Ureal Britnin bad obtaimnl n eotK-ettsion of the right to ent mahogany or dvc-wood at the Ralize, bnl with poritireextrlnsianof alt domoui or kvereignty : and thna it ronfi run the natural constrnetiou ami understood im port of the treaty as to aH the rest of th regioii to which t!,, Rtipulatiotts applied It, however, Im t- apparent, at an ai ly day after entering apon tin- dischargo of my present fuuetious, tbat I i real Urnamstdl QOnttnned in t!:- crrcisr or assertion of large authority in all that p...-t 1' v ttotral Amcncn cannionly caUeU tl.o Mosquito coast, and covering the entire length of the 3tate of Nicaragua, and part of Costa Hica; tbat t-hv reejardod the llafize as her abolate loi i.iin, and was gradually extending its limits at theexpense of the State of Hondu ras; and that she bad formally colonized a considerable bunjlar proup IumIwu as tin Bay .-lands, a;al bdbnging ui .right, to that St;;to. .. ." All l! w3 acts or pretensions of tl.eat Britaiu, Ift intr contrary to the righth of- tiff Status of Centra America, and to the mani fest tenor of I i r stipulations with the 1 uited States, as understood lv this government have been made the subject of negotjatnm through the American Minister in Londnn. 1 trnnsmil herewith the mstruettona to him on the. subject, and the cotrespondenee be Nreen him and tl e Brithm Secretary for eoreigd Affairs, by wluch you will perceive that tl e tu governments differ widely and irn c iaeileaMy .is fo the const roet !u! of the convention, and its effect on their respec tive relations to Central America. (!r at Britain so eonstraes the convention as to maintain unchanged all her previous pretensions over the Mosquito coast, and in different parti uf Central America. These preteusioi:--, as to the Mosqsuta coast, ;:re rounded on the assumption of olitid-relations between Great Britain aud the remnant of a tribe of Indians on that coast, entered into at a tunc when the whole country was a colonial possession of Spain. It cannot he successfully controverted that, by the public law of Rurope and America, no pos sible act of sue n Indians, ox tin ir predecessor.--, could confer ei Groat Uritaiii anv political rights. Great Britain does tiot afjege the a -sent of Spain as the origin of her claims on the Mo-.pdto coast. d:e has, on the contrary, hy n oe.ite 1 an 1 snccessive treaties, r--nounced and relinquiehcd all pretenshuM of her own, and recognised the full and sv ereign rights of Spam in the most anequi vo cal terms. t these pre tensions, so with- at solid foundation in the beginning, and thus repeatedly abjuredj watoi at a re. -cat period, revived by Great Britaia agama the Central American states, tin- kgitinMtte succvsts to afl the ancient jurisdiction of Spain in tfiat region. They were first ap plied only to 'i defined pact of the coast of Nicaragua, afterwards to the )iole of its Atlantic coast, and lasth to a part of the coast nf Costa l!:oa; and they are J: w r.--naoorted to this extent, notwithstanding cti gagemetttfl to the United State:-. On the eastern coast of Nicaragua and Costa Rica, the interference of Great llri ti.in. fhongh exerted nt one time in the form of military occupation of the port of San Juan del Xorte, then In the peaceful pos BMshmi of the nppropri.-. tc authorit les of the Central Aim riean States, is now presented hy her as the rightful Sxercise of a protec torship over the lleeqnito tribe 4 Indians. But the estabHshmenl at the JJ.dize, now reaching far hej aid its treaty li nits into the State of Honduras, and thai of the Bay Islands, appertaining of right to' the same State, arc as distinctly colonial governments as those of Jamaica or Canada, and there fore contrary to the very totter as well as the spirit of the convention with the United States, as it was at tin- time of ratification, ami now is. anderstoodby this government. The interpretation which the British government thus in assertion and act. per sist in ascribing to the convention, entirely changes its character. While if holds as to ahVour t Idigations, it in'a great measure r. leases i;r...lt In-itabi from those which constituted the consideration of this gov ernment for entering inn, the convention. It is bnoossible, in my jtuhnmrnt, for the I uited States to acquiesce in such a con struction ol the respective reiatinaa of the two govemmcnls to Central America. To a renewed call by this government nixn Great Britain, to abide by, and carrv into etfect, the st-pnlations of 'the conven tion according to its obvktca Import, by 1 trithdrcwing from Uc possession or coloni zation of portions of the Central Amoiican Stat, s of Honduras, Nicaragua, and i'osta Kica, the British government has at length replied, affirming that the operation ot tnc treaty is prospectivfl onlv, and did not re- ntrfre Great Britain to abandon or contract Mumani held hv her i? Central Oil T I - - , America at the date of its conclpaian. This reply suh.-titutes a parMaj is. nlaMi tli- freiicral one lre-i lite Ml iit I bv the United State. The Hrit'sh gnetdrntnent poahdj parties ecnearned, and so jut an passes over the question Ot tle right of -ejnl .to acts infrip-iug the niunii ipal las Great Britain, real or supposed, in f'entral and derogatory ti our sovereignty. Mean America, ami assumes that she had sach while suitable representation on the aabjeot riehts at the dale of the treaty, and that were addressed to the Uriti.-H government, those rights comprehended th.' protector- Thereupon it became known, by the ad sbip of the Mosquito Indians, the extended ansaion of the Britii goyernmeut itself, tbat jurisdiction and limits of thf, Baliz-, rn 1 thy the attempt to draw recruits from this coun oolouv of the Bear Islands, and tliersataw try oricinated with it. or at h ast had its nroeeeda lv implication to infer, tliat. it ;h- -tipulation- of the treaty be merely future . in effect, f; re.it Britain may still continue to hold the oonteated noHions f Cetrtl J America. 1 be I DUjed States ti;niMt 'linn either the inference or the preaaises. -e BteedHy deny, that, atthe dateof th- treaty, i;re: l Britain had any p -m--si.us t';rre. other than the limited and peadiar estab-li-hment at the B tCze, inn1 maiataja tliat, if she had any, they t re" surrendered hy the eonvention. . . This government, recognising the obliga tions of th.- treaty, has of course desired to see it eceit-d iii g 1 faith by both parties, ami in the discus ton, then-fore, has not looked iiii, a"hich wc might assert, in eonridexa- intbiendeitle "of the treaty tioa of our geographical position and ot other circumstances, which creuie ni n. relationa to the Central American States ilifferent from those of any government of i - i . i" ... I.urol.e loiti-h mtvernuieut, in its h.st intinieatirn. altbouirh well knowlng the views of the United State . still declares that it sees no reastui why a concilnttory Koirit mav not enable- the-two governments, to overcome .aU Obstacles To eaiisia o, ad justment of the suhject. " Assured of the correctness .f the con struction of the 'treaty constantly adhered to by this governm Ut, and resolved to in--i.-t on the rights of the United States, yet actuated also by the same desire. whi h is avowed by I he British government, b re nmve all causes of serious misunderstanding lietween two nations associated by SO many tjea of interest and kindred, it has appeared to me proper not to consider an aqiicablc idutSon of the control jrsy. hopeless. - There is, however, reason to apprehend, tlnft, ith lire it Britain in the uctttal OCOU pation of the. disputed territories, and the treaty therefore practically null, so far as regards our rights, this international dilli eultv cannot long remain undetermined, without involving in serious danger tin friendly relations, which it is the interest as well as the duty of hoth ountrics tocberish and p reserve. " It will afford me sincere gratification, if future efforts shall result in the sin cess anticipated heretofore with more confidence than the aspect of the case per mits me now to cutci tuin. me other subject of discussion between the United States and Great Britain has mown out of the Attempt, which the exi gencies of the war in which sh is engaged with Russia induced her to make, to draw re .ruits from the United States, It is the tra lit onal and settled policy of the United States to maintain impartial j neutrality during the wars which front time I to time occur among the great powers of ; the world. Performing all the duties of ' neutrality towards the respective belliger ! ent Stati's. we may reasonably expect them ' not to interfere with our brwfui enjoyment of its benefits, Not withstanding the exis tence of each hostilities, our citizens retain the individual right to continue all their accustomed pursuits, hy hind or by sea, at home or nbroal, subject only to such re strictions in this relation us the laws of war. the usage of nations, r special treaties, may impose; and it is our Sovereign right that our territory and jurisdiction shall not be invaded by either of the belligerent parties, for the transit of their armies, the opera tions of their fleets, the levy of trooj for the'r service, the .lilting out ef cruisers by or against either, or any ether -actor inci dent of wan And these undeniable rights of neutrality, individual and national, the United States will under no circumstances surrender. In pursuance of this policy, the laws of the United States do not forbid their citi zens to sell to either of the belligerent powers, articles contraband of war, or take munitions of war or soldiers on hoard their private ships for transportation: and al though, in :.o doing, the individual citizen exposes his property or person to- some oi the hazards of war, his aots do not involve any breach of national " neutrality, nor of themselves implicate the government. Thus, iluriiie; the progress of the present war in Europe, our citizens have, without national responsibility therefore, sold gunpowder and arms to alt buyers, regardless of the destination of tho.-e articles. Our mer chantmen have been, and Still continue to be, largely employed by Great Britain and by France, in transporting troops;, pro visions, and munitions of war to the prin cipal seat of military operations, and in bringing home their sick and wounded soldiers; hat such use of our mercantile murine is not interdicted either by the in ternational or by our municipal law, and therefore d tea not compromif our neutral relations with Russia. But our municipal law, in accordance with the law of nations, peremptorily for bids not onlv foreigners, hut our own citi zens, to lit out within the United States a vessel to commit hostilities against any State with which the United States are at peace, or to increase the force of any foreign armed vessel intended for such hostilities against a frieii'ily State. Whatever eohfeevii may have been felt bv either of the belligerent powers lest private armed cruisers or other vessels in the ser vice of one might be litti d out in the ports of this country to depredate no the property of the other, al! such fears h.'.ve proved to be utterly groundless. Our citizens have been withheld from any such act or pur pose by good faith and bv respect for tin law. While the laws (.f the Union are thus pre emptory in their prohibition of the equip ment or armament of belligerent cruisers in our ports, they provide not less absolutely thai no person shall, within the territory or j urisdictionof tin- United States, enlist him self, or hire oi retain another person to en list or enter .himself, or to go beyond the limits or jurisdiction of the United States with intent to he enlisted or entered, in the service of any foreign Slate, either as a soldier, or as a mariner or seaman on board of any ressel-of-war, letter ot marque, or privateer. And these enactments are also in strict contormity with the law of nations, which declares that iu Stat has the right io raise troops tor lanu or sea service in another State without its consent, and that, whether for'jidden by the municipal law or not, the very attempt tc do it without such consent is an attack on the national sovereignty- Such being the public rights and the municipal law of the United States, no minions tax. so long submitted to by the solicitude an the suhject was entertained by i more powerful nations of Europe, this government, when, a year since, the! If the manner of payment of the Sound British Parliament passed an act to pro- ! dues diffi r from that of the tribute former vide for the enlistment of foreigners in the ly conceded to the Barharv States, still their military service of Great Britain." Nothing exaction by Denmark has" no better fonnda "" tli face of the act, or in its public his- tion in right. Each was, In its origin, noth tory, indicated that the British government ing but a tax on a common natural rhdit. proposed to attemnt recrnitmcnt in the Uni- extorted hy thoee who were at that time- ted States; nor did it ever give intimation of such intention to this government. It was matter ot purpose, tnereiorc, to nnu, suisepientiy. inai tue eng..geuieui h, wirr somt within the United States to proceed t Halifax, in the British province of Novi to a Scotia, and thero enlit in the service ot Great Britain,, was going on extensively, with little or nodi-guise. Ordinary tegah stejs were immediately taken to arrest arid approval and sanction: ant an appeaam that the public agent engaged m 1 'Vtringent yistrn. tions'' not to vioh 'municipal law of the United States. m it had ate tb it is dilhcidt -to understand how it shouid have her n supposed that troops could be raised her-1 hv Great Britain, without vio lation tf the toVmiofpal law. The munis takeahle ohject of the law was to prevent every such act, which, if performed, must be either in violation of the law, or in studied evasion of it; and, in either alter native, the act done would he alike injuri ous to the sovereignty of the United States. In the meantime, the matter acquired ad ditional importance by the recruitments in the United State's not being discontinued, and the disclosure of the fact that they were prosecuted upon a systematic plan devised by official authority, that recruiting ren dezvous had been opened in our principal cities, and depots for the reception of re cruits established on our frontier ; and the whole business conducted an ler the super vision and by the regular e.o-i perarion of British officers, civil and military, some in the fitortb American provinces, and some in the United State s. The complicity of those officers in an undertaking which could only be accomplished, by defying our laws, throwing suspicion over our attitude of neutrality, and disregarding our territorial rights, is conclusively proved by tin- evi dence elicited on the trial of such of their agents as have be up apprehended and con victed. Some of the officers thus implica ted are of high official position, and many of them beyond our jurisdiction, so that legal proceedings could not reach the source of the mischief. These considerations, und the fact that the cause of complaint was not a mere casual occurrence, but a deliberate design, entered upon with full knowledge of our laws and national policy, and conducted by responsible public functionaries, impelled me to present the case to the British gov ernment, in order to secure, hot only a ces sation of the wrong, but its reparation. The subject is still under discussion, the result of which will he communicated to you in due time. I repeat the recommendation submitted to the last Congress, that provision he made for the appointment of a commissioner, in connexion with Great Britain, to survey and establish the boundary line which divides the territory of Washington from the con tiguous British possessions. By reason of the extent and importance of the country in dispute, there has been imminent danger of collision between the two subjects of Great Britain and the citizens of the United States, including their respective authorities, in that quarter. The prospect of a speedy arrangement has contributed hitherto to in duce on hoth sides forbearance to assert hy force-what each claims as a right. Contin uance ef'delay on the part of the two gov ernments to act in the matter will increase the dangers and difficulties of the contro versy. Misunderstanding exists as to the extent, character, and value of the possessory rights of the Hudson's Buy Company, and the property of the Puget's Sound Agricultural Company, reserved in our treaty with Great Britain relative tothe Territory of Oregon. I have reason to believe thct a cession of th" rights of hoth companies- to the United States, which would ho the readiest means of terminating all questions, can he obtained on reasonable terms; and, with a view to this end, I present t'.ic subject to the atten tion of Congress." - The colony of Newfoundland having enact ed the lawg required by the treaty of the 5th of June, 1854, is now placed on the same footing, in respect to commercial intercouse with the United States, as the other British North American provinces. The commission which that treaty con templated, for determining the rights of fiishery in rivers and mouths of rivers on the coasts of the United States and the Bri tish North American provinces, has been organized, and has commenced its labors: to complete which, there is needed further appropriations for the service of another season. In pursuance of the authority conferred by a resolution of the Senate of the United States, passed on the 3rd of March last, no tice was given to Denmark, on the 14th day of April, "of the intention of this government to avail itself of the stipulation of the sub sisting convention of friendship, commerce, and navigation between that Kingdom and the United States, whereby cither party might, after ten years, ti rininatc the same at the expiration of one year from the date of notice for that purpose. The considerations which led me to call the attention of Congress to that convention, and induced the Senate to adopt the reso lution referred to, still continue in full force. The convention contains an article which, although it docs uot directly engage the U States to submit to the imposition of tolls on the vessels and cargoes of Americans pass ing into or from the Baltic sea, during the coi t nuance of the treaty, yet mav, by pos sibility, be construed as implying such sub mission. The exaction of those tolls not be ing justified by any principle of internation al law, it became the right and duty of the ' L nited Suite-to relieve themselves from the i implication of engagement on the suhject. so as to be perfectly free to act in the prem I ises in such way as -their public interests and honor shall demand. ; 1 remain of the opinion that the United ! States ought i ot to submit to the payment of the Sound 'lues, not so much because of their amount, which is u secondary matter. but because it is in effect the recognition of the rights of Denmark to treat one of the great maritime highways of nations as a close sea, and prevent the navigation of it as a privilege, for which tribute may be im posed upon those who have occasion to use it. This government on a former occasion not unlike the present, signalized ks deter mination to maintain the freedom of the st as. and of the great natural channels of navigation The Barhar v States had, for a long time, coerced the payment A' tribute from all nations whose ships frequented the Mediterranean. To the late demand of such payment made by them, the United States, although suffering less by their depredations than many other nations, returned the ex plicit answer, that we preferred war to tri bute, and thus opened the way to the relief o the commerce ot tk. world from an irno able to obstruct the free and secure enjoy ment of it, but who no longer possess that power. Denmark, while resisting our assertion of the freedom of the Baltic Sound and Belts, has ind -ated a readiness to make some new arrangement on the subject, and lias invited the governmnnts interested, including the United States, to he represented in a con tention to assemble for the purpose of re ceiving and considering a proposition which she intends to submit for the capitalization of the Sound dues, and the distribution of the sum to he paid as commutation among the governments according to the respec tive proportions of their maritime commerce to and from the Baltic. I have declined in behalf of the United States to accept this invitation, for the most cogent reasons. One is; that Denmark docs not offer to sub mit to the convention the question of her light to levy the Sound dues. The second is, that if the convention were allowed tD take cognizance of that particular epuestion, still it would not be competent to deal with the great intoi national principle involved which affects the right in other cases Of na vigation and Commercial freedom, as well as that of access to the Baltic. Above all, by the express terms of the proposition It is contemplated that the consideration of the Sound dues shall he commingled with, and made subordinate to, a matter wholly ex traneous, the balance of power among th governments of Europe. While, however, rejecting this proposi tion, and insisting on the right of free tran sit into and from the Baltic," I have express ed to Denmark a willingness, on the part of the I 'nited States, to share liberally with other powei - in compensating her for any advantages' Which commerce shall hereafti r derive from expenditures made by her for the improvement and safety of the naviga tion ot the Sound or Belrs. . - I lay before you, herewith, sundry docu ments on the subject, in which my views arc more fully disclosed. Should no satis factory arrangement be soon -concluded, I shall again call your attention to the sub ject, with re ommeudation of such mcus-ures as may appear to he required in order to assert and secure the rights of the United Stales, so far as they are affected by the pretensions of Denmark. T announce with much gratification, that, since the adjournment .f the late Congress, the question, then existing between this government and that of France, respecting the Ereneh consul at San Francisco, has been satisfactorily determined, and that the relations of the two governments continue to he of the most friendly nature. A question also which has been pending for several years lietween the United States and the kingdom of Greece, growing out of the sequestration, hy public authorities of that country, of property belonging to the present American consul at Athens, and which had been the suhject of very earnest discussion heretofore, has recently been set tled to the satisfaction of the party interest ed and of hoth governments. Vith Spain peaceful relations are still maintained, and some progress has been made in securring the redress of wrongs complained of hy tuis government. Spain has not only disavowed the conduct of the officers who illegally seized and detained the steamer Black: Warrior at Havana, but has also paid the sum claimed as indemnity for the loss thereby inflicted on citizens of the United States. In consequence of a destructive hurricane which visited Cuba in 1844, the supreme authority of that island issued a decree, per mitting the importation, for the period of six months, of certain building materials and provisions free of duty, but revoked it when about half the period only had elaps ed, to the injury of citizens of the United States, who had proceeded to act on the fiaitb of that decree. The Spanish government refused indemnification to the parties ag grieved until recently, when it was assented to,' payment being promised to lie made so soon as the amount due can be ascertain ed. 'Satisfaction claimed for the arrest and search of the steamer El Dorado has not yet been accorded, but there is reason to believe that it will be, and that case, with others, continues to be urged on the attention of the Spanish government. I do not abandon the hope of concluding with Spain some general arrangement, which, if it do not wholly prevent the recurrence of difficul ties in Cuba, will render them less frequent, and whenever they shall occur facilitate their more speedy settlement. The interposition, of this government has been invoked by many of its citizens, on account of injuries done to their persons and property, for which the Mexican republic is responsible. The unhappy situation of tliat country! for some time past, has not allow ed its government to give due consideration to claims of private reparation, and has ap peared to call for and justify some forbear ance in such matters on that part of this government. But if the revolutionary movements which have lately occurred in that republic end in the organization of a stable government, urgent appeals to its justice will then he made, and, it may be hoped, w ith success, for the redress of all complaints of our citizens. In regard to the American republics, which, from their pro: i nity and other con siderations, have peculiar relation to this government, while it has hcen my constant aim strictly to observe all the obligations of political friendship and of good neighbor hood, obstacles to this have arisen in some of them, from their own insufficient power to cheek lawless irruptions, which in effect throws most of the task on the U. States. Thus it is that the distracted internal con dition of the State of Nicaragua has made it incumbent on me to appeal to the good faith of our citizens to abstain from unlaw ful intervention in its affairs, and trv adopt preventive measures io the same end, which, on a similar occasion, had the best results in reassuring the peace of the Mexican States of Senora aDd Lower California. Since the last session of Congress a trea t3' of amity, commerce, and navigation, and for the surrender of fugitive criminals, with the kingdom of the Two Sicilies ; a treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation with Nicaragua ; and a convention of commer cial reciprocity with the Hawaiian king dom, have hcen negotiated. The latter kingdom and the State of Nicaragua have also acceded to" a declaration recognising, as international rights, the principles con tained in the convention between the Unit ed States and Russia, of duly 22, 1854 These rn atiea and conventions will be laid before the Senate for ratification.' The statements made in my last annual message, respecting the anticipated receipts and expenditures of the treasury, have bean Substantially verified. it appears from the report of the Secre tary of the Treasury, that the receipts dur ing the last fiscal year ending dune i;0, Ijsoo, from all sources, were sixty-five mil lions three thousand nine hundred and thir ty dollars; and that the public expenditures for the same period, exclusive of payments on account of the public debt, amounted to fifty-six million three hundred and sixty-five thousand three hundred and ninety-three dollars. ' During the same period, the pav mentsmade in redemption of the public debt; iucluding interest and premium, amounted to nine million eight hundred and forty-four thousand live hundred and twentv-eicht dol lars. ' The balance in the treasury at the begin ning Of the present fiscal year, duly 1. 1855, was eighteen million nine hundred and thir ! ty-one thousand nine hundred and seventy six dollars ; the receipts fer the first quar ter, and the estimated reeeipts for the re i mainiug three quarters, amoumt, together, to sixty-seven million nine hundred and eighteen thousand seven hundred and thirty- four dollars ; thus affording in all. as the a vailabie r 'sources of the current fiscal year, the sttm of eighty-six million eight hundred and fifty-six thousand seven hundred and ten dollars. If to the actual expenditures of the first quarter of the current fiscal year, be added ; the probable expenditures for the remain ing three quarters as-estimated by the se cretary of the Treasury, the sum total will be seventy -one million two hundred and twenty-six thousand eight hundred and forty-six dollars, thereby leaving an estimated balance in the treasury on July 1, 1856, of fifteen million six hundred and twenty-three thousand eight hundred and sixty-three dol lars and forty -one cents. Iu the above estimated expenditures of the present fiscal year are included three million dollars to meet the last instalment of the ten millions provided for in the late treaty with Mexico, and seven million seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars appro priated' on account of the debt duo to Tex as ; which two sums make an aggregate a mouft of ten million seven hundred und fifty thousand dollars, and reduce the expendi tures, actuator estimated, for ordinary ob jects of the year, to the sum of sixty million four" bundled and seventy-six thousand dol lars. The amount of the public debt, at the commencement of the present fiscal year, was forty million five hundred and eighty three thousand six hundred and thirty-one dollars, and, deduction- being made of sub sequent payments, the whole public debt of the federal government remaining at this time is less than forty million dollars. The remnant of certain other government stocks, amounting to two hundred and forty three thousand dollars, referred to in my last message as outstanding, has since been paid. ram fuljy pursuaded that it would be difficult to devise a system superior to that by which the fiscal business of the govern ment is now conducted. Notwithstanding the great number of public agents of collec tion and disbursement, 'it is believed that the checks and guards provided, including the requirement of monthly returns, render it scarcely possible for any considerable fraud on the part of those agents, or neglect involving hazard of serious public loss, to escape detection. 1 renew, however, the recommendation, heretofore made by me, of the enactment of a law declaring it felony on the part of public officers to insert false entries in their books of record or account, or to make false returns, and also requiring them, on the termination of their service, to deliver to their successors all books, re cords, and other objects of a public nature in their custody. Derived as our public revenue is, in chief part, from duties on imports, its magnitude affords gratifying evidence of the prosperi ty, not only of our commerce, but of tho other great interests upon which that de pends. The principle that all moneys not requir ed for the current expenses of the goverm ment shall remain for active employment in tho hands of the people, and the conspicuous fact that the annual revenue from all sources exceeds, by many millions of dollars, the a mount needed for a prudent and economical administration of public affairs, cannot fail to suggest the propriety of an early revision and reduction of the tariff of duties on im ports. It is now so generally conceded that the purpose of revenue alone can justi fy the imposition of duties on imports, that, iii re-adjusting the impost tables and sched ules, which unquestionably require easeotial modifications, a departure from the princi ples of the present tariff is not anticipated. The army during the past year has been actively engaged in defending the Indian frontier, the state of the service permitting but few and small garrisons in our perma nent fortifications. The additional regi ments authorized at the last session of Con gress have been recruited and organized, and a large portion of the troops have al ready been sent to the field. All the duties which devolve on the military establishment have been satisfactorily performed, and the dangers and privations incident to the char acter of the service required of our troops have furnished additional evidence of their courage, zeal, and capacity to meet any requisitions which their countr' may make upon them. For the details of the military operations, the distribution of the troops, and additional provisions required for the military service, I refer to the report of the Secretary of War and the accompanying documents. Experience gathered from events which have transpired since my last annual mes sage has but served to confirm the opinion then expressed, of the propriety of making provision, by a retired list, for disabled officers and for increased compensation to the officers retained on the list for active duty. All the reasons which existed when these measures were recommended on former occasions continued without modification, except so far as circumstances have given to some of them additional force. ' The recommendations heretofore made for a partial reorganization of the army .-ire also renewed. "The thorough elementary educa tion given to those officers who commence their service with the grade of cadet, quali fies them, to a considerable extent, to per form the duties of every arm of the service; but to give the highest efficiency to artillery requires the practice and special stiu.v of many years; and it is not, therefore, be lieved to he advisable to maintain, in time of peace, a larger force ;f that arm than can he usnally employed in tin- duties apper taining to the service of field and siege ar tillery. The duties of the start' in all its various branches belong to the movements of troops, and the efficiency of an army in the field would materially depend upon the ability with which those duties are dis charged. It is not, as in the case of the artillery-, a speciality, but requires, also, an intimate knowledge of the duties of an offi cer of the line, and it is not doubted that,' to complete the education of an officer for either the line or the general start", it is de sirable that he shall have served in both. With this view, it was recommended on a former occasion, that the duties of the staff should be mainly performed by details from the lino; and, with conviction of the advan tages which would result from such a change, it is again prevented for the consideration of Congress. . ' The report of the Secretary of the Navy, herewith submitted, exhibits in full tho naval operations of the past year, together with the present condition of the service, and it makes sugrrest'ons of further legislation, to which your attention is invited. The construction of the six steam frigates, forwhich appropriations were made by the last Congress, has proceeded in the most satisfactory manner, and with such expedi tion as to warrant the belief tbat they will be ready for service earlv in the comiiur spring. Important as this addition to our j naval force is, it still remains inadequate to j the contingent exigencies of the protection i of the extensive sea coast and vast conimer j cial interests of the United States. In view 1 of this fact, and of the acknowledged wisdom ; of the policy of a gradual and systematic increase of the navy, an appropriation is re- com mended for the construction of six steam sloops-of-war. In regard tothe steps taken ui the execu tion of the act of Congress to promote the efficiency of the navy, it is unnecessary for me to say more than to express entire con currence in the observations on that subject presented by the Secretary in his report. It will be perceived, by the report of the Postmaster General, that the gross expen diture of the department for the last fiscal year was nine million nine hundred and sixty-eight thousand three hundred and forty-two dollars, and the gross receipts seven million three hundred and forty-two thousand one hundred and thirty-six dollars making an excess of expenditure over re ceipts of two million six hundred and twenty six thousand two hundred and six dollars ; and that the cost of mail transportation during that year was six hundred and seventy-four thousand nine hundred and fifty-two dollars greater than the previous year. Much of the heavy expenditures to which the treasury is fhus subjected, is to be ascribed to the large quantity of printed matter conveyed by the mails, either franked, or liable to no postage by law, or to Very low rates of postage compared with that charged on letters and tothe great cost of mail service on railroads and by ocean steamers. The suggestions id" the Postmas ter General on the subject deserve the con sideration of Congress. The report of the Secretary of the In terior will engage your attention, a-- well for useful suggestions it contains, as for the interest and importance of tho subjects to which they refer. The aggregate amount of public land sold during the last fiscal year, located with military scrip or land warrants, taken up under grants for roads, and selected as swamp lands by States, is twenty-four mil lion five hundred and fifty-seven thousand four hundred aud nine acres; of which the portion sold was fifteen million seven hun dred and twenty-nine thousand five hundred and twenty-four acres, yielding in receipts the sam of eleven million four hundred and eighty-five thousand three hundred and eighty dollars. In the same period of time, eight million so en hundred and twenty-three thousand eight hundred and fifty-four acres have been surveyed: hut, in consideration of the quantity already subject to entry, no additional tracts have been brought into market. Tin- peculiar relation of the general gov ernment to the District of Columbia ren ders it proper to commend to your care not only its material, but also itsmoral interests, including education, more especially in those parts of the District outside of the cities of Washington and Georgetown. The counniKsioners appointed to revise and codify the laws of the District have made such progress in the performance of their task, as to insure its completion in the time prescribed by the act of Congress. Information has recently been received, that the peace of the settlements in the Territories of Oregon and Washington is disturbed by hostilities on the part of the Indians, with indications of extensive com binations of a hostile character among the tribes in that quarter, the more serious in their possible etfect by reason of the unde termined foreign interests existing in those Territories, to which your attention has al ready been especially invited. Efficient measures have been taken, which, it is be lieved, will restore quiet, and afford protec tion to our citizens. In the Territory of Kansas, there have been acts prejudicial to good order, hut as yet none have occurred under circumstan ces to justfy the interposition of the federal Executive. That could only be in case of obstruction to federal law, or of organized resistance to territorial law, assuming the character of insurrection, which, if it should occur, it would be my duty promptly to overcome and suppress. I cherish the hope, howev er, that the occurrence of any such untoward event will be prevented 'by tho sound sense of the people of the, Ter ritory, who, by its organic law, possessing the right to determine their own domestic institutions, are entitled, while deporting themselves peacefully, to the free exercise of that right, and must be protected in the enjoyment of it, without interference on the part of the citizens of any of the States. The southern boundary line of this Ter ritory has never been surveyed and estab lished. The rapidly-extending settlements inthat region and tbe fact that tba main route between Independence, in the State of .Mis souri, and New Mexico, is contiguous in this line, suggest tin; probability that em barrassing questions of jurisdiction may consequently arise. Tor these and other considerations, 1 commend the subject to your early attention. 1 have thus passed in review the general state of the Union, including sueb-particular concerns of the federal government, wheth er of domestic or foreign relation, as it ap peared to me desirable and useful to bring to the special notice of Congress. Unlike the great states of Europe and Asia, and many of those of America, these Unites States arc wasting their strength neither in foreign war nor domestic strife. Whatever of dis content or public dissatisfaction exists, is attributable to the imperfections of hu man nature, or is incident to all goveru nu nts, imperfect, which human wisdom can devise. Such subjects of political agitation as occupy the Public mind, consist, to a great extent, of exaggeration of inevitable evils, or over zeal in social im provement, or mere imagination of grievance having but remote connexion with any of tbe constitutional functions or duties of the federal government. To whatever extent these questions exhibit a tendency menac ing to the stability of the constitution, or the integrity of the Union, and no farther, they demand the consideration of the; Exe cutive, and require to be presented by him to Congress. Before the Thirteen Colonies became a confederation of independent States, they were associated only by community of trans atlantic origin, by geographical position, and by the mutual tie of common depen dence on Great Britain. When that tic was surrendered, they severally assumed the powers and rights of absolute self-government. The municipal and social institu tions of each, its laws of property and of personal relation, even its political organi zation, were such only as each one chose to establish, wholly without interference from any other. In the language of the Decla ration of Independence, each State bad "full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which inde pendent States may of right do." The sev eral colonics differed in climate, in soil, in natural productions, in religion, in systems of education, in legislation, and in the forms of political administration ; and they con tinued to differ in these respects when they voluntarily allied themselves, as States, to carry on the war of the revolution. The object of that war was to disenthral the United Colonies from foreign rrde, which had proved to be oppressive, and to sepa rate them permanently from the mother country : the political result was the foun dation of a federal republic of the free white men of tbe colouies, constituted, as they were, in distinct and reciprocally hide pen dent State governments. As for the subject races, whether ladian or African, the wise and brave statesmen of that day, being en gaged in no extravagant scheme of social change, left them as they were, aud thus preserved themselves and their posterity from tbe anarchy and the. ever-recurring civil wars which have prevailed in other revolutionized European colonic of America. When the confederated Stnt e . convenient tomodifv the condition, oftLf association, by giving to the general gnvoVT ment direct access in some respect tot) people of the States, bastoad ofVo.mni ' to action on the States j ?nch, th cceded to frame tbe oxiMW constituti.,,!" adhering steadily to one guhY,ff thoUrilt which was. to delegate only such power uJ was necessary aud proper to the eca tton of specific purposes, or, in ojmetords, to retain as much as possible. OOnsistp a! with thoa purposes, of the mdependfito powers of the individual States, far ..h jects of common defence and escurtly, rl1( " intrusted to the general government certain carefully dehncd functions, leaving all other as the undelegated rights of the Separate independent sovereignties. Such is the constitutional dtfary of on government, the practical Observance of which has carried us, and ns alone, nrnontf modern republics, through m-svvly threo generations of time without the eot OIUl ohopot blood shed in civil war. With fr&, don and concert of action, it has enabled u to contend successfully on the buttle ti Ut against foreign foes, has elevated tin- feeble colonies into powerful States, and haa ruin ed our industrial productions, aud our Com merce which transports them, to the level of the richest and the greatest nations 0f Europe. Aud the admirable adaptation ..f our political institutions to their objects, combining local self-government with um gregate strength, has established the prac ticability id' a government, like oars tu cover a continent with confederate Stat. -. The Congress ol the United States i affect, that congress of sovereignties, whisb good men in the Old World have sought ',-, but could never attain, and which imparts to America an exemption from the mutabltj leagues fi r Common action, from the wars, the mutual invasions, and vague aspirations after the balance of power, which convulse from time to time, the governments of Eu rope. Our co-operative action rests q the conditions of permanent confederation prescribed by the constitution. Our bahtta I of power is yi the separate reserved rights of the States, aud their equal representation iii the Senate. Tbat independent sovereign ty in ev ery uu. of the States, with itsreserv. ed rights of local self -government asaarej to each by their eo-cqual power in the Sen ates was the fundamental condition of the constitution. Without it the Union ulil never have existed. However desirous the larger States might be to re-organize the government so as to give to their population its proportionate weight in the common counsels, they knew it was Impossible, un less they conceded to the smaller ones uu hority to exercise at h ast a negative influ ence on uU the measures of the government, whether lcgisWlVe . executive, 'through their equal representnUon n the Senate. Indeed, the larger States themselves could not have failed to perceive, that the same power was equally necessary to them, for the security of their own domestic 'interest against the aggregate force of the general government, in a word, the original State went into this permanent league on tlw agreed premises, of exerting their common strength for the defence of the whole, ami of all its parts; but of utterly excluding all capability of reciprocal aggression, bach solemnly bound itself to all the others, neither to under: akc, nor permit, any en croachment upon, or hitermeddhng with, another's reserved rights. Where it was doe mi d expedient, particu lar rights of the States wen- expressly guar antied by the constitution ; but, in all thing besides, these rights were guarded by the limitation of the powers granted and hv ex press rest ' vation of all powers not granted, in the compact of union. Thus, the great power of taxation was limited to purposes of common il.-t'. iice und geuovoi Welfare, "-winding objects appertain ing to the local legisbv tion of the several States -. and those purpo ses of general welfare and common defence were afterwards defined by Specific enume ration, as being matters only of corelattou between the States themselves, or between them and foreign governments, which, be cause of their common and genera nature, could not be left to the Separate control uf each State. Of the circumstances' of local comlitii n, interest, and rights, in which a portion of the States, constituting one great section of the Union, differed 1'romthe rest, and from anoth er section, the mosf important was the pass, Uarity of a larger relative colored population in the southern than in the northern 6 hi til A population ofthis class, held in sublee tion, existed in nearly all the State, bat WU more numerous and of more serious con cernment in the South than iu the North, on account of natural differences of climate ami production ; audit was foresei n that. Willi sana' reasons, while this population would diminish, and, sooner or later, cease to exist, in some States, it might increase in other The peculiar character and magnitude of this question of local rights, not in material relations onl v, but still more in social ones, caused itto enter into tin: special stipulations of the constitution. Hence, while the general govcruinciit, m well by the enumerated powers granted to it, by those not enumerated, and therefore refused to it, was forbidden to touch this matter in sense of attack or offence, it ;is placed under the general safeguard of the Union, in the sense of defence against eith er invasion or domestic violence, like all other local interests of tbe several Safe-. Each State expressly stipuloO ''- - well for itself as for each and aU of its citizens, and every citizen of each State became solemn ly bound by his allegiance to the constitu lion, that any person held to service or la bor in one State, escaping into another, should not, iu consequence of any law or regulation thereof, be discharged from sueli service or labor, but should be delivered ua on claim of the party to whom such servin; or labor might be due by the laws of W State. Thus, and thus only, by the reciprocal guaranty of all the rights of every State against "interference on the part ofanohWi was tbe present form of government estab lished by our futhers and transmitted tons and by no other means is it possiLlc for it to exist. If one State cea-es to re-pect the rights of another, and obtrusiv ely inter meddles with its local interests if a portion of the State assume to impose their institu tions on the others, or refuse to fulfil tlaU obligations to them we are no longer uni ted friendly States, but dist acted, host ones, with' little capacity left of conuafl advantage, but abundant means of recipro cal injury and mischief. Practically, it is immaterial wbethtC grossivo interference between the States. r deliberate refusal on the part a"Y them to comply with coiistiutionul obliga tions, arise from erronous conviction blind prejudice, whether it be perpetrat. a by direction or indirection. In either it is fail of threat and of danger to the dut bilrty of the I nion. Placed in the olHce of Chief Magistral', as the exsutv gt of the whole country, bound W take care that the laws be faithful ly executed, and specially enjoined by the constitution to give information to L'ougn on the state of the Union, it would he p pable neglect of duty on my part to pass ovr a subject like this, which, beyond all thiag at the present time, vitally concerns indivi dual and public security. It has been matter of painful regret to see States, coiisnie.iioiis for their services u founding this republic, and cqtiully sharing its advantages, disregard their constitution' fulfil conscious
The Charlotte Democrat (Charlotte, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Jan. 8, 1856, edition 1
2
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75