Newspapers / Mecklenburg Jeffersonian (Charlotte, N.C.) / March 30, 1841, edition 1 / Page 2
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r'C alive a^it’uority, to llie jiidiciai auth.oiity; and to ithc Govcvnmonts of the several States If ir be uiiderstood that the cominoii law ivS estab- lislied by the Constitution, ittfollaws that no part r>f the law can Ix^ aUi‘r€*d by the Loi^islatiue ; such of the statutes alreadv passed as may be repugnant thereto, would be nullified ; particularly the ‘^Sedi- tion act” itself, which l>oasts of being- a melioration of the common law; and the whole co]e, with all its incdtigruitirs, barbarisms, and bloody maxims, would bo inviolably saddled on the good people of the Un^d States. Should this consequence be rejected, and the com mon law be held, like other laws, liable to revision and alteration, by the authority of Congress, it ih» n follows that the authority of Congress is co-extensive with the objects of cornpion law; that is to say, with every ohje&t of legislation; for to every such object does ^Qine bra^ich or other of the common -law extend. The authority of Congress woulil, therefore, be no longer the limitations marked out in the .Constitution. They would be authorized to legislate in all casQS whatsoever. lumiy, taut tnc oi firiTr'v'jrig iiito cxcciitir/Hj those otherwise granted, are included in the grant. Whenever therefore, a question arises concerning the constitutionality of a particular power, the ques tion is, whether the power be expres.sed in the con stitution. If it be, the question is decided. It -it be not fcxprcssed, the next inquiry must be, whether it is properly an incident to an express power, and ne cessary to its execution. If it be, it may be exer cised by Congress. If it be not. Congress cannot exercise it. I^et the question be asked, then, whether the power over the press, exercised in the “ Sedition act,” be found among the powers expressly vested in the Congrtss ? This is not pretended. Is there any express power, for executing wliich, it is a necessary and proper po-wer ? The power which has been selected, at b-ast re mote, in answer to this question, is that “ofsuppres sing ingvi r reel ionswhich iesaid to imply a pow er to 'prevent insurrections, by punishing whatever may IhuI or trnd Xo them. But it surely caimot, with the least plausibility, be said, that the regula- In the next place, as the President possesses the ! lion of the press, and a punishineut ot libels, are ex- itution, and is to see ercises of a power to suppress insurrections. 'I'he executive powers of the Constitution that tliQ laws be faithfully executed, his authority also must be co-extensive with every branch of the common law. The additi^ris whicli this would make to his power, though not readily to be estima ted, claim the most serious attention. This is not all: it will merit the most profound consideration, how far an indefinet admission oi’tlie common .law, with a latitude in construing it, equaJ to the constr.uetian by which it is deduced from the Constitution, might draw after ii the various pri.ro- gatiyos, making part of the unwritten law of En- glajid. The English Constit«fion itself is nothing nipre than a composition of imwriiitn laws and laaxime. In the third place, whether the coimnan law be most that could be said, would be, that the punish- vnent of libels, if it had the tendency ascribed to it, might prevc'nt the occasion of passing or exc'cuting laws necessary and proper for the suppression of ui- surrections. Has the Federal Government no power then, to prevent as well as to punish resistimce to the laws? They have the power which the constitution ileemed most proper in their hands for the purpose. 'I’he Congress has power, before it happens, to pass laws for punishing it: and the executive and judi ciary have power to inforce tho.'^e laws when it does happen. It must be recollected by mnny, and could be •Miowu to the satisfaction of all, tliat the construction admitteil as of legal or of constitutional obli_ration, i here pm on tiie terms ‘‘necessary and proper,’ is it would confer on the judicial departments a dis- precisely the construction which prevailed during eretion little short of legislative power. S tlie discussions and ratifiivitions of the constitution. On the supposition of its having a constitutional It mav be added, and cannot too often be repeat»‘d, obligation, this power in the judges would be perma-1 that it is a construction absolutely necessary to main- nent and irremediable by the legislature. On the I tain tlieir consistency with tlie peculiar character of th(' Ciovernmcnt, as po.ss ssed of particular and de- tho United flutes, iho great and essential rigni^i oj the people arc secured, against Legislative as well as against Executive ambition. They are secured not by laws paramount to prerogative, but by stitutions paramount to laws. The security of the frctsdom of the press require^:, that it should be ex empt, not only from previous re straint by the 'Ex ecutive, as in Gr(‘at Britain; bat from Legis'lative restraint also; and this e^cemptioii, to be etTectual, must be an exemption, not only from the previous inspection of licensers, but from the subseqent pen alty of t^ie laws. The state of the press, therefore, under the com mon law, cannot in this point of view, be the stand ard of its freedom in the United States. 13ut there is another view, under which it may be necessary to consider this subject. It may be al leged, that although the security for the freelom of the press, be different in Great Britain and in this country; being a legal security only in the former, and a constitutional security in the latter; and al though there may be a further difference, in an e.x- tension of the freedom of the press here, beyond an exempt'on from previous restraint, to an exemption from subsequent penalties also; yet that the actual legal freedom of the press, under th(? common la\v, must determine the degree of freedom, which is meant by the terms, and which is constitutionally secured against both previous and subsequent re straints. 'rhe Committee are not unaware of the difTiculty of ali general questions, which may turn on the proper boundary betw(H'ii the liberty and licentious ness of the press. They will j^eave it therefore for consideration only, how fiir the difi'erence between the nature of the British Government, and the na ture of the American Governments, and the prac tice imder the latter, may show the degree of ri gor in the former, to be inapplicable to. and not obli gatory in the latter. The nature of C JoveinuK'nts elective, limited and responsible, in their branches, may well be suppo sed to require a greater freedom of animadversion, than might be tolerated by the genius of such other supposition, the power would not expirt^ un til the legislature shoitld liav(* introduced a full sys tem of statutory provisions. Let it be observed, too, that beside^ all the imcertaintif^ abo\e enumerat»ti, and which present an immense field for judicial dis cretion, it would remain with the same department to decide what parts of the common law would, and what would not. be properly applicable to the oir- /cumstances of the United State s. A discretion of this sort has always been lam» ii- ted as incongruous and dangerous, even in tli.* C’ul- oual and State Courts; although so much narro^ved by positive provisions is the .local codes on the prin- ’ipal subjects embraced by the common law. Un-. dertlie Unite’d States, where so few laws exist on those subjects, and where so great a lapse of time Tnur^t happen before the vast chasm could be suppli- •*d. it is mamfest'that the power ofihe judges over the law ■woul 1, in fact, erect them into legislators, and that, for a lon^ time, it would be impo^ible for the citlzrns to. conjccture either v.Iiat was. or wuuid be law. In the last place, the consequence of admittuig the common law as the law efthe United States, on the authority of the individual States, is as obvious as it would be fatal. As this law relates to every sub- juct of legislation, anei wonlil be paramount to the coriMitutiuiiii utid la\^^ of ihc Si.iies , the aJiiilssiwn of it would ovefwh^4m the re*siduary sovereignty of ihe State's, and by one constructive operation, at^v-model the whole political fabric of the country. , From the review thus taken of the situation of the American colonies, prior to their independence ; of the eflect of this event on their situation ; of the nffiftrc and import the articles of confe-deration of the true meaning of tho passage in the exis^tincr constitution from which the common law has been • Uxluced; of the difficulties and uncenainties inci dent to the doctrine; and of its vast consequences in extending the? powers of the Federal Government. ani'V in superseding the authorities of the State C4o- vvrnmenta; the committee feel the utmost confi- knte in concluding, that the common law never wa^, nor by any fair construction, ever can be deem ed a law for the American people ae; one commu nity ; and they indulge the strongest expectation that the same conclusion will be finally drawn by all Can dida tid accurate inqviiries into the subject. ' It is, in deed, distressing to reflect, that it ever ehould have been made a question, whether the constitution, on •the whole face of which is seen so much labor to enumerate and define the several objects of Fe-deral power, could intend to introduce in the lump, in an ii^direct manner, and by a force^el construction of a few phraser, the vast an 1 multifarious jurisdiction in volved in the coupon la\v; a law filling so many ample voflumns; a law overspreading the entire fie iil of legislation ; and a law that would sap theiomida- fion of the constitution as a syste m of limited and specified powor;;. A severer reproach could not, in the opinion of the committee, be thrown on the constitution, on those who framed, or on those who established it, than sucii a supposition would throw on them. The argiiment then, drawn Iroin the common law, on the ground of its being adopte*d or recog nized by the constitutiem, being inapplicable to the Sedition act, the comimttce will proceed to examine the other ar^ments which have been founded on the constitution. They will waste but little time on the attempt to cover txie act by the preaniable tothe constitution, it being contrary to every acknowle*dged rule of con struction, to set up this part of an instrument in op position to the plain meaning, expressed in the body »f tho instrument. A preamble usually contains the general motives or reasons for the *partk!ular regulations or measures which follow it; and is al ways undc'rstood to be explained and limited by th(?m. In the present instance, a contrary inferpre- tntion would have the inadmissible eflect, of render ing nugatory or improper, every part of the consti tution which succeeds the preamble. The paragraph in Art. 1, Sec. 8, which con tains the power to iay and collect taxes, dutie>s im ports, and excises ; -to pay l]ie debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare, having been already examined, wilil also require no par- ticul(^r attention in this place. It will liave .been seen thiU' in its fair and consistent meaning, it cannot enlarge the enumerated powers vested in Congress. The part of the constitution which «eems most fo be recurred to, in defence of tlie ‘‘Sclition act,” IS the last clause of the above section, empowering Congress to make “ all laws which jshaH be necessa ry and proper for carrying into execution the fore going p()wcp, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or official thereof” The plain import of this clause is, that Congress shall have all tixe incidental or instrumental pow ers, necessary and proper for carrying into execu tion all tUc (impress powers; whether they be vested in the Qovemmejjt of^e United States, more col- Iectivelj% pr iu the several departments or officers thereof It is not a grant of new pawerg .to Congress, but merely a. declaration for the rimoi:al of all uncer- finite powers only; not of the general and indefiiiiie powers vested in ordinary Governments. For if the power to s}/ppres. i/isifrreftion^, includes the power to punish llbeh; or if the power to punish, in cludes a power to by all the means that may have that iefi'Ictict/, such is the re lation and influ ence among the most remote subjt'cf.s* of legislation, that a power over a very few, would carry with it a power over all. And it must be wholly imma terial, whether unlimited powers be exercis'd under the name of unlimitt d powers, or be exercised un- eler the name of unlimited me^ans of carrying into execution, limiteel powers. This branch of the subject will be closed with a reflectiooi which must have weight with all: but es pecially with those who place peculiar reliance on the judicial eKposition ofthe Constitution, as the bul wark provided against undue extentions ofthe Legis lative power. If it be understood that the powers implied in tho specified powerf^, have an imnu'diate and appropriate relation tothem, as mean.s. ncssesary and proper for carrynig them into execution, ques tions on the constitutionality of laws pa.ssed for this purpose, will be of a nature sufliciently precise and determinate for Judicial cognizance and control! If, on the other hand. Congress are not limited in the cV»oico of mcaiie by niiy each fippropriate reln- tion of them to the specified peiwers; but may em ploy alljsuch means as they may deem fitted XoprercnL as well as to punish, crimes subjected to their autho rity ; such as may have a tenden^if only to promote an object for which the}* are authorised to provide; every one must perceive, that que'stioiis relating to me-ans of this sort must be epiesiious of mere policy and expediency; oii which, legislative discretion alone can decide*, and from which the .Tudicial in terposition and control are completely excliuled. ‘2. The next point which the resolution requires to be proved, is, that the power over the press qxcr- cised by the Sedition Act, is positively forbidden by one of the [urfcndments to the Constitutic»i. The amendiaont stands in these words—-‘Con* gre.ss shall make no law respecting an establish ment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press; or the right of^hc people peaceably to assemble, and to pe tition the Guvcriiment for a re dress of grievances.” In the attemjTts to vindicate tho '‘Sf^iiition Act,” it has been contended, 1. That the “frctilom of the press” is to be de ternnned by the meam'ng of these terms in the common law. 2. That tht^ ar ticle sujiposes the power over llie press to be in Con gress, and prohibits them only from abridging the freedom alloAved to it by the commmi law. Although it will be shewn, in examining the se cond of these position^, that tlie amendment is a denial to Congress of all power over the j)ress, it may not be u:jeless to make the following observa tions on the first of them. It is deemed to be a sound opinion, that the Sedi tion Act, in its definition of some of the crimes cre ated, is an abridgment of tho freedom of })ublica- tion, recognized by principles of the common law in England. The freedom of the press under the common law. is. in the defe*nces of the Sedition Act, maileto consist in an exemption from all previous restraint on printed publications, by persons autliorisenl to in spect and proliiljit them. It appears to tho Com mittee, that thL^ idea of the fVee'dom of the press, can never be admitted to be the American idea of it; since a law inflicting penalties on printed publi cations, would have a similar eflect with a laAV au thorising a previous restraint on them. It would seem a mockery to say, that no law should bo pass ed, pre\'enting publications from being made, but laws might be passed for punishing them in case they should be made. I'lie es.sential difference between the British Go vernment and the American Constitutions, will place this subject in the clearest light. In the British Gov'emme*nt, the danger of en croachments on the fights of the People^ is under stood to be confined to the Executive Magistrate. The re presentatives of the People hi the Legisla ture, are not only exempt themselves, from distrust, but are considered as sufficient guardians of the rights of their constituents against the danger from the Executive. Hence it is a prhiciple, that the Parliament is imlimited in its power; or, in their own language, is omnipotent. Hence too, all the ramparts for protcieting the rights of the People, such as their Magna Charta, their B>11 of Rights, (fee., are not reared against the I^niiament, but against ^e royal prerogative. They are merely Legislative precautions, against Executive usurpa tions. Under such a government as this, an ex emption of tjie press from previous restraint by li censers appointeni by the King, is aU the freedom that can be secured to it. In the United States, the case is altogether difier- ent. The People and not the Government, pos sesses the absoluted sovereignty. The Legislature, no less than the Executive, is under limitations of power. Encroachments are regarded as possible from the onCj as well as from the other. Hence in a governme'iit as that of Great Biitain. In the latter, it i:5 a maxim, that the King, an licreditary, not a resj)onsible magittrat(' can do no wrong; imd that the Legislature, which in two-thirds of its compo sition, i.s also here'ditary. not responsible, can do what it pleas* s. In the United State s, the Execu tive Maijistrates art.* not held te> be inlallible*, nor the* Legislatures to be omnipotent; and both being ek'ctive, are both responsible. Is it not natural an necessary, unde-r such dilierent eiicumstance.s, that a ditlereiii di'j^reo at frectlom, in the use* of th pr«“ss, .'«hould be contemplated Is not such an inf'-reiice favored by what is observable in (ire'at 15ritain itself? Not withstand ing the general doctrine of the common law, on tin subject of the press, and the occ;isional pimishmeiit of those, who use it with a free^elom offensive to the Government; it is well known, that with res pect to the responsible members of the Govern ment. where the rea.sons operating here, heroine ap plicable there*, the freedom exercised by the press and piotecte'd by public opinion, far exceeds the limits prescribeel by the ordinary rules ot law The Mini.stry, who are responsible to impeach ment, are at all times animaelverted on by tlie pre^ j with peculiar freedom; and during the elections for the House of Commons, the otlier responsible part of the ^»ovcrnine'nt, the press is employed u illi as little reserve towo.rd.-* Candidates. The practice in .Vmerica must be t'ntitled to much more respect. In every State probably in the Union, the press has exertetl a fret'dom in canvass ing the merits ;uid measures of public men, of eve ry description, wliich has not been confined to the strict limits of the common law. On this footing the freedom of the pre'ss has stood; on this footing it y» t stands. And it will not be a breach, either of tiUth or of c^mlor, to say, that no persons or pre.ss- e‘S are in the habit of more unrestraine*d animadver- .‘^ions on the proceedinirs and functionaries of the State (^ox'ernments. than the persons and presses most zealous in vindicating tlie act of Congress for punishing similar animadversions on the Govern ment of the United States. I'he last remark vrill not be tmderstood, as claim ing for the State Goveniments. an immunity greater than they have her»'tofore enjoye“d. Some elegree of abuse is inse^parable from the proper use of eve ry thing; and in no instance is this more true, than in that of the pre ss. It has accordingly bf'en de cided by the practice of the States, that it is better to have a few of its no.tious bnmches, to their luxu rious growth, than by priming them away, to in jure the vigor of those yielding the proper fruits. And can the wisdom of this policy be doubted by any ^vho reflect, that to tlie press alone, che^quere d as it is with abuses, the world is indebted for all the' triumphs which have been gained by reason and humanity, over error and ojipression; who refb ct. that to the same beneficriii source, tiie Uiutetl Stat s owe miich of the lights which iiductcdthem to th*^ rank of a free and indcpende*nt nation: anl which have improved the*ir political system into a shape so auspicious to their happine.«s. Hael “ Sedition Acts,” forbidding every publication that might bring the constituted agents into conte^mpt or disrepute^, or that might excite the hatred of the people against the authors of unjust or pernicious me^asures. been imiformly enforced against the press: might not the United State's have been languishing at this day. under the infirmitie*s of a sicKiy confeeleration? Might they not, possibly, bo miserable colonieS; groaning under a foreign yoke? To these observations, one fact will be ad ded, which demonstrates that the connnon law can not be admitteel as the universal expositor of Amer ican terms, which maybe the Siime with those con- taineel in that law.—The freedom of coneieince, and of religion, are found in the same instruments, which assert the freedom of the press. It will never be admitted, that the meaning of the former, in the common law of England, is to lunit their mean ing in the United States. Whatever weight may be allowed to these con siderations, the Committee do not, however, by any means intend to rest the question on them. They contend that the article of the amendment, instead of supposing in Congress a power that might be ex ercised over the press, provided its freedom was not abridged, was meant as a posuive denial to Con gress, of any power whatever on the subject. To demonstrate that this was the true object of the article, it will be sufficient to recall the circum stances Avhich led to it, and to refer to the explana tion accompaning the article. , [to be CONCirDED NEXT WEEK.] Fatal Afray.—An afiray of a fatal character oc curred, in Lancaster District, at Hill Island, on the Ca\vtaba river, on Sunday the 14tJi instant. The parties were John Siveat and Thomas Pickett, the latter of whom was killed; having been stabbed by the former with a knife. He survived, after having received the wound, until Wedensday last. Sweat was, we understand, arrested on Monday after the affray, and lodged in Lancaster jail to await his tri al. VVe are without the particulars which led to the quarrel, but we learn that both had been drink ing, adding another to the long list of crime, charge able to the prevalence of intemperance. Camden Journal of March 25. The loiiowiug translation of the President’s Inau gural Speech, is from the Hartford Times. Whilst it embraces all the topics alluded to in the original, it is much easier to be understood in its present shape: THE INAUCiURAL ADDRESS. “Fii’C Bagatelle.^^ Called from my splended rnansion in Ohio, \vhere I was pining in poverty an six thousimd dollars per annum, I appear before the American People as the friend of paper money iUid hard cider. It was the remark of a celebrated Roman writer, that Quosque tafule.ni ahutere^^ &c. Romulus and Remus were suckled by a female we>lf. hie, iccc, hoc, and Cccsar was killed by BrutuiS. Hi.sto- ry speaks ofthe Curtii, and the Decii" one Roman Consul made his horse Senator; the elder Brutus and the lesser Asia; Europe, Asia, Africa Ameri ca, and the polynesian Islands, and Cromn^ll was the Dictator of F^rigland. I have to inform you, and it is a fact w’ith which few of you are acejuainted, that in the United States, the people elect their President, while in England, Victoria is Glueen, and hi New York, that excel- ent man, Frederick A. Tallmadge, is Recorder. Demosthenes uldressed the Athenians with an eloquence almost as persuasive as that used by Dan iel VV'^ebster at Patchogue; in this country the peo ple have the privilege of voting. IMie great danger to our institutions is, that some one departme nt may assume to itself too much pow er ; but this charge shall never be made against the Executive whihi lam Presieh'nt; I «hall therefore recommend nothing, do nothing, say nothing about the finances, eign all Bills passed by Congress, let the coimtry take care of itself, and Avhh unflinch ing patrioti.sm, draw from the public Treasury my salary of twe nty-five thousand dollars per annum. I have no opinion of a metallic currency; if the people could only believe a promise as good as a performance, they would consider pit'ces of paper with pictures on them a good curre ncy. The people of the District of Columbia are not slaves—they are uejt subje-cts; but they are inhabi tants of th(‘ District of Cohnnbia. A man cannot be a citizen of two States at the same time.*: two is not one, n*ither is one two; but a citizen of one State may ofl'er advice to the citi zens ofanothir State. The Swi.^s Cantons Cfet alontr quite comfoitably; forbearanc* is a jjooil thing. INloses was a gr!*at hiw giver, and ( ■ouiucius a c iebrattxl Chiiu se phil osopher, to .sjiy nothing about the H» lve*tic confed eracy, the Scythi.ms, or the Scandinavians. q'her*- i.-^ no use in (juarrellinq'about Territorial lines ; if we all elo what we oufrht to do, we will all do ri^rht. Bolivar was a tyrant, although he called ! himself Liberator; and .Marl; Antony was a de- magogut' It is not to bo en lured that Democrats .should he)ld office ; I shall therefore turn them out: not be*- cause the*y are in fave)r of Deme^t-ratic piinciples, but because* th; y openly sup];ortd them; a poor reason is bette r than none. All my speech has been about our domestic con cerns ; having fought at the f)attle of Tippecanoe, I .shall take good care of our Foreign relations; you may reply upon the wisdomof mycourse^ as I shall follow the advice of my Secretary of State, icho dis tinguished himself during the last war. iiefbre 1 conclude*, ht me recommend that all party lines l»e obliterated, and that the whole Amer ican people support me. Octavious had a party, and Antony hael a parly ; the warriors ofthe North overnni the Roman Empire, and Mr. J. N. Rey nolds knows all about -Symmes’ Hotel.” Let me recommend to all the people to read their Bibles, ijo to church, aiul support the new Demo cratic party, of which 1 am the he^ad, and Daniel We'bster, and'riieodore Dwight and others, popu lar members. I am now Presid»‘nt; go hf»me. fjood people, and rem*mber what I have saitl, while I go to enjoy my marble lo>; cabin, and my f wenty-live thousand per annum. MECKLENBURe JEFFERSONIAN: ©niiiisaicss'siaj, sjo Ooc, Tuesday Morning,Ma*!eh 30,1841 Democratic Jltpxiblican SomincUion Jor Congress: GREEN W. CALDWELL, OF MECKLENBURG. CANDID.VTES FOR CLERKS. f:V Wo arc requested by a number of citizens from all parts of the County to .announce CHARLES T. ALEXANDER^ Jr., a candidate at the next August election, for the office of Clerk of Mecklenburg County Court. We have also been similarly requested to announce JEN NINGS B. KERR, Esq., a candidate at the same time for re-election to the office of Clerk of the Superior Court. We are authorized to announce B. OATS, Esq., as a can didate for re-election to the office of Clerk of Mecklenburg County Court, at the next election. Charlotte, March 30, 1641. tc We feel highly flattered by the many kind complimentary notices bestowed upon our paper by our Editorial brethren—both Whig and Demoe.-rar. We assure each and all of them, that their kinei wishes for our prosperity are most cordially recip rocated. It may not be amis.s to state, that our an ticipations have been more than realized in the ra pid increase of subscribers to the Jeflersonian since the first number was issued. We can, however, and it would please us, to crowtl a grerit many more on our books. The Inaugural. The Charleston Mercury characterizes the first ad'lress of the hard cide'r President, more perfectly than any of our c«itompo- raries. Its outside is altogether hi the “Tippy” style, but all under the cover is ultra Federalism of the Webster school. We predict, with per- fe*ct eonfidence, that all General H.4Rri.sox’'S clish- maclaver about Jefferson and Democracy will turn out rank hlark-rorladrism—that not one Re publican me^asure will have his countenance during his Administration; but that the whole comple.xion of all hts public acts, like that of his Cabinet, will be at enmity with ali the doctrines of the Virginia school, which he professes to follow. The New York Sun has the fjllov. ing good hit at the United States Bank : Obituary E.viroordi7iari/.—Dit d on Wedne^5:day last, the Bank of the United States, in the 2r)th year of her age. She has been in a declining state for several years, and was adviseel by the celebrated Dr. Jackson to withdraw to retirement, but being of an active disposition, and influenced by Dr. Bid dle, was induced to practice extreme exercise, where by slie injureel herse*lf in attempting to lift a great quantity of cotton, wliich induced im over circula tion or too gre'at an i.^but*. Drafts were applied in rapid succession; but, alas 1 like contrary poisons, calculateei to keep the body alive, they proved too much for her trcaf: State, and without a groan she ceased to e.\ist. Her loss will be deeply felt, espe cially by a ft?w editors, who partook largely of her bounty. She took a conspicuous part in the revul sion of ’3.1 an;l ’36, and assisted greatly in the rise of real and unreal estr.te to the re*motek parts of the Union. ]Ma3r she rest hi peace forever. A rumor is in circulatiem ^hat the British Min ister has received instructions to demand the libera tion of McLeod, or his passports. W’^e beleive there is no truth in this report; it being circulated by the Federalists, to terrify the people of New York into an acquiescence in the contemplated surrender, without a trial, of a man accused of miireler, under the menaces of England, or to make that trial a mockery.—Raleigh Staiidard. Tue Late Despatches.—Letters from Washing ton represent tliat the character of the despatches from England, which came in the President, aflbrds an additional cause for apprehension in respect to the termination of the difficulties between the two countries. We know not what authority the writers havtc for their assertions, but it is intimated that the British Government demands ’ the rtiiease of Mc Leod. The U, S. Gcrverninent, will not, of course, interfere in the matter, until the British Government acknowledges that it authorizeel the outrage, find that acknowledirment will he sufficient cause to demand redress. Turn the subject which ever way it Avill admit of, and it has a threatening aspect. Our government has, however, taken the proper posi tion, and will be maintained in it by the country. The result of the trial, should it terminate favor ably for McLeod, ma.y settle the difficuhy without further intervention by either government. Pkilad. Spirit of the Times. EXTRA SESSION OF CONGRESS All doubt is now dissipated;—^below will bo found tho Proclamation of Pre.sident Harrison call ing an Extra Session of Congress, meet on tho 31st of May next. Jiy the President of the United Stitt* s of ul A PROCLAMATION Whereas, sundry important and weiijhty' mat- tors, pruicii>ally growing out of the condition of the revenue and finances of the country, appear to me to call for the coru?iderati(m of Congrcs.s at an ear lier day tlian its next annual session, and thus foinj an extraordinary occayion, such as renders neccesti- ry, in ray judgment, the convention ofthe two Houses, as soon*an may be practicible, I do, theretbre, by thi.^ my Proclaniation, convene the two Houses of Coti- ffresp, to meet in the Capitol at the city of W'afll;- ingtcMi, on the last Monday, being the thirty-firt'. day of M:iy next. And I require the respective Sen ators and HopresentativcB then and there to n^sem- ble, in order to recievo such intbrmation re.=?pectin£rthe state of the Union ns may be given to them, and to devise and adopt such measurt*d as the good of the country may seem to them, in the exer*ise of tlieir v.'isdoin and eliocretion, to reeiuire. In testimony Avhereot', I have causel tlie seal of the U'nitetf Stat.s to be hereunto allixed, and signed the same with iny hand. ' Done at ^heCify of Washington, this seventeentl'K day of Marcli, in the year of our Lord one. Tl 1 thousand eight hundred and forty-one, and ^ ‘"J of the Indepenleace of the United Statei the sixtv-flftlL W. II. IIARRJ^?ON. F*y the President: Damel Webster, Secretary of State. We arc not told in this Proclamation, wliat thJ “important and weighty matters” are which re* quire this extraordinary convocation of Cemgrrs.^:. The power to call an Extra Session was placed iu the hands of the President, to be used only in eases of extreme national importance—such as a threaten ed rupture with a Foreign nation, or such general national embarrassment and distress, cutting off tho revenues of the Government, as induced Mr. Vati Buren to call an Extra Session in 1837. It is not j)retend(.“l by any boely, that any such causes as these now exist to require the immediate attentie>n of Congress. Then why pul the country to the use^ le5S expense of at least two hundred thousand dollari to carry out what ? Why, disguise it a© they may, the sole object of this Extra Session is to' provide for a more general and profuse distribution of the spoils of office” and to saddle upon the country the odious measures so long unsuccessfully contend ed for by the Federal Party. Now, mark what we predict;—The first thing that will be attempted at the Extra Session will be the repeal of the Sttfr- Treasuri/, before its operations can satisfy the coim* try of its be'ueficial tendency to re nder the business of the country stable and healthy. This done, the next cpie*stiou will be, how are the financial operrj- tions of the G^vT-mn^ent to be manageel ? The n will come the project of a National Bajilr, the iongjng for which AV’as so artfully kept out of view” by the Federalists in the late contest. After this, the -.4*- sumptwn of the State Debts, by a distribution of the proceeds of the public lands will be moved, thus taking away from the revenues of the Na tional Treasury about three millions of dollars an nually, and thereby create the necessity of burdcQ' ing the south with a new Tariff'to fill the coficrs of northern manufacturers. Government being thu3 completely under Federal rulo in all its depart* ments, a general division ofthe “ spoils ”'will be made among the swarms of office himters aiid hun gry expectants w'ho have been crowding W’^ashin^- ton for a month past. These are the prime -objects of tho Extra So’- sion—none others can, in truth,-be assigaed. Dj they justify this extraordijiary measure—this eiior* mous expense at a time when the revenues of the country are barely jsufficieijt to defray an economi cal administratioa of the ordinary ' affairs" of Go vernment ? And is this the way in which the new Administration is to produce “good times,” and “make money plenty”—by expending thousands for no useful purpose? / .' Let the People be awake to these matters; (He country may be involved in all tho measure# of JL r Federali designs. The Exta S of the lican.— Soverei question td in th of June, again bo iatures ^res3 h out at a the poll and all ment ti. in the 1‘ hasten a co?mtry This “In 1 have no represe conimen be held but in t held tor time for upecial of laws the difli State o session It grew any ex ing ord probabi of'mem meiice Monda islaturo Gen'ern eleciioi comrne LegisU “ Aa the call it will I tor the Legisla it wouh ofCon^ been ev pos?ibl The ftdopte ns a ca 1844 Resolu ed in t Van B for re with a ment i in thei him t( early d fercnce partiali other c prospc can no ty rh--iu boast n qulitiei the CO honors Icctiou ill the banner Th inocrat our lie An not w I.itely in ejec they h grcss, in som «it the will OE moth i I>*mo (whic ing of not, ac Blair he*ad, c both c‘ vested Let us
Mecklenburg Jeffersonian (Charlotte, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
March 30, 1841, edition 1
2
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