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Twenty-seTeialh Congress. From the Globe, of July 1 3. . . . ' CONGRESSIONAL ANALYSIS. sun a i iw-To-day the consideration of Mr. Wright's amendment, which was taken up at the close oI" the session of yesterday, was re sumed. This amendment U in effect the application of the la v of New York in re gird to Banks failing to redeem their notes in specie, to the national institution. Mr. Weight exhibited perspicuously the opera tion of the proposed amendment 111 the ex periment of the system as adopted in re gard to the banks of a Stats which is justly regarded the . greatest commercial one in the Union, and, therefore, most deeply in- -s. ,1 : .1 I:.:.... 1 I.-. institutions. He showed that of all mea snres, that prepared by him had been most effectual in securing specie ptymenls, and preserving the multitude of banks, great and small, which are scattered throughout tlie Commonwealth, from the ruin in which simitar institutions had involved themselves I- .i - ...I muse ucjicuucm upon mcai in inner quarters. Mr. Berrien of Georgia thought there was ample provision made against a suspen sion of specie payments, in the power to issue a scire facias, and the-penalty of twelve per cent, allowed to all unpaid de mands during a suspension of specie pay ments. Mr. Wright referred to the fact that these guards had been introduced in a great varie ty vf Bank charters, and among the rest, of the former Bank of the United Slates, and had always proved ineffectual. On the other hand, his remedy, which placed the assets of the Bank instantly in the hands of trustees on a suspension, and which gave to the judiciary, in the execution of the law, power to make such disposition, as in case of continued insolvency for the time specified in the charter, had answered well. It would secure the creditors of the Bank end the parties interested in the Bank, with the least possible loss to any, while forfei ture of the charter, which was made th? final penalty of the gross mismanagement which incapacitated the institution for the duties appertaining to it, would be found effective as a preventive of the abuse of privileges by bankers, and the best reme dy for the mischiefs which grow out of such abuses. Mr. Wright urged that the notes of a bank in suspension ought not to , be received for public dues. The Bank, then, is not in a condition to receive the public money. Its affairs, if taken into the hands of the Judiciary, are then placed un der the control of law, and so are the funds of the United States, which the Constitu tion says must be under the control of law. A hank that refuses payment is not more likely to pay public than private claims. If you make yourselves partners with such an institution, xcrn must take thft conse quences fairly. The whole object of the amendment is to take the affairs, and put them under the control of law. Why should they be left with those who mismanage? When has any remedy against banks proved effectual? There was no other way but to wind them up by a law they cannot evade. Mr. Wright repelled the idea that the stockholders would be injured; they would be injured more by letting the directors j who manage their stock go on. All the sympathy is for banks and stockholders; none for the poor and oppressed creditors. Mr. Buchanan came into the debate in support of Mr. Wright's amendment. He asserted that the principal object of gran ting privileges, so far as the public were concerned, was to secure to the people, at all times, a paper currency convertible into specie. That the most effectual -security which could be given to insure this, was to subject the Bank, at the time t.f its cre ation, to an irrevocable decree that, upon a suspension of specie payment, it must cease to exist. Then the instinct of self preservation would induce it to conduct its affairs in such a manner as to avoid self de struction. This provision was not an un tried experiment. It had succeeded admir ably in preserving specie payments in New York. He contended that the provisions - j ii the charter authorizing Congress to p.is figure laws upon the subject, or authoriz ing a scire facias to issue by order of either House, would not produce the effect; be cause the Bank would believe that Con gress would never act upon this power. They would indulge the Bank as all Stato Legislatures had done. The provision to be effectual, must be a self-operating pro vision, which would at once place the Bank in state of liquidation after having su?pen ded specie payments for sixty or ninety days. If this amendment should prevail, it would be an example for the States by which they could not fail to be benefitted. It would pievent combinations among the hank such as that which had existed in Philadelphia, and resulted in a suspension of specie paj'mcnts through more than half the union, bach one mii3t then stand up on its own independent footing, and act in such a manner as to save itaelf from de struction. Had not the bound banks of Philadelphia combined to save those that were unsound, this suspension would have hern avoided. But these unsound banks had soon afterwards brought the sound ones to their own level. Mr. Walker followed Mr. Buchanan, and urged the great interest whieh the Go ernment had in putting an end to a'Bank which so far from accomplishing the very objects for which it was chartered, by its suspension gave breadth and depth to the evils which it is assumed 6uch a Bank on- ly can prevent. The suspension of a Na " tional Bank rendered the malady universal and oflong continuance. If 6uch a Bank could not resume in sixty or ninety days alter a. suspension, niis oemg we ume m which. its loans are limned,) u could never pay. He was willing to give this time to recuperaie before the forfeiture should at tach. To refuse, then, to provide for the winding up f such a concern, which pro ved insolvent by being incapable io re sume in three months," was to insist that the regulator of the currency should bean insolvent Bank that an irredeemable, cur rency should he the medium of payment to and from the Government that all the Go vernment dep?ites should continue to flow into an institution after it had become noto rious as a bankrupt and that without the possibility of taking any measures tosecure its means, in the abuse of Congress, if the modi proposed in the amendment were re jected. v Mr. Clay of Alabama responded to Mr. Berrien's argument of the inequality of ap plying a bankrupt law to the national insti tution while it was withheld from those of the Slates. , Mr. Benton made an elaborate argument, to which we must refer to our regular re port. Mr. Woodbury was willing to trust the judiciary, and the law, and the trustees ap pointed under it, to manage the concerns 'of the Bank, after it had become insolvent, ra ther than the directors who shall have brought it to that condition. Mr. Woodbury showed that the great oracles of the Bank party, at .-the time, when in the highest credit with those who now object to the amendment, had several ly urged it as the only mode of giving sta bility to banks and a bank currency. lie quoted Mr. Biddle to this point when in terrogated by his own friends of the Con gress Committee on this subject. He quo ted Mr. Appletop. and Mr. Gallatin to the same point. Mr. Woodbury replied in a very decisive argument to -Mr. Berrien's protestation against the right of repeal in Congress in regard to the institution now about to be established, to assume the duties of the Treasury Department. He entered into the nature of the Fiscal Agent, and showed that the power it exercised was over the most important of Government concerns; and that it was on the pretext alone that it was necessary and proper as a Govern ment power that the constitutional right to establish it was asserted. Mr. Wright's amendment was lost ayes 23, noes 25. When Mr. Walker spoke in the Senate the other day on the subject of repeal, he spoke not of the repeal of the charter, but the repeal of the union between the Bank and the Government. He said, under the express terms of the charter. Congress conld, at any time, declare that the bills of the Bank should be no longer receivable for public dues, and the deposites no longer placed in the Bank, that we might re-es tablish the Sub-Treasury under the control of the heads of Congress, and the Bank would then be a black wreck upon the ocean. THE HOUSE. Mr. Wise moved to go into Committee of the Whole on the naval appropriation bill. Mr. Cave Johnson of Tennessee ob jected. The question was then put to the House, but there being no quorum, Mr. Wise withdrew his motion. Mr. Adams then callad up his resolution offered yesterday, calling upon the Secre tary of the I reaury to report to the House the amount due from the several Slates and Territories to the United Slates. Mr. Johnson of Tennessee moved to take up his resolution calling upon the Heads of the Departments for a list of the proscribed, and claimed precedence. The Speaker then decided both motions to be out of order, and gave the floor to Bowne of New York upon the resolution in relation to McLeod. Mr. Bowne made an eloquent defence of hi constituents, who had been called awless bandits on the floor. Ho said they were animated by that spirit of inde pendence which warmed ihe breasts of the patriots of seventy-six, and led them on to glory. He said a member from New York had introduced on this floor, to prove the purity of the transaction, (the burning of the Caroline) Sir Allen McNab, the author of this nefarious transaction him self. Mr. B. gave a full account of the transaction at midnight thirty-three citi zens of the United States, unarmed, retired to their rest on board the Caroline, to sleep the sleep of death; a band of British soldiers secretly stepped on board the American vessel they towed her into the current of Niagara, and sent her over the misty cataract in a winding sheet of fire. He criticised the acts of Air. Webster and Mr. Crittenden, and showed them tip in an unenviable light. He censured Mr. Linn of New York for calling the people of New York lawless banditti. He said if he could reach the ears of the sons of Sche nectady, whose streets had been baptized to battle, blood, and fire; otthe ears of the sons of Saratoga, whose eyes looked out upon the plain, bathed in our country's glory, he would say this man is your lie presentatite. He said that Mr. Linn at tacked his own people, not because he loved his own country less, but because he loved Daniel W ebster more. Mr. B. though brought up a Quaker, loved I. is coun try more. W,Vn Mr. Bowne's hour expired, he said the iron finger of time had cut his head off, and sate down. Mr. Y.uungof .New York then obtained the floor' but, as the morning hour had expired, Mr. Wise moved to go into Committee of the Whole on the navy bill. prevailed upon hm him to call no the Lunatic bill which scd. was ready to be pas- The previous question was then deman ded and put, and the bill was passed as amended by -yeas 114, nays 45. ' The House then resolved itself into Committee of '.lie Whole on the 6tate of the Union, Mr. Adams of Massachusetts in the chair. Bill No. 6, to pnvide for the pay ment of naval pensions was then taken up and briefly explained by Mr. Wise. .Wednesday July 14. SENATE. " The special order the National Bank was entered upon Mr. Tappan proposed to amend by ad ding to the bill, that nothing in it should be construed to take away the power of Con gress to nller, modify, or repeal the same. Mr. Tappan took the ground that this was an inherent principle of legislative power. If a law was unconstitutional it should be repealed whenever injurious it should be repealed. In a very able and clear argu ment he illustrated the principles of his proposition. We will soon present it as a whole to our readrs. Mr. Buchanan suggested to Mr. Tappan the propriety of withdrawing his amend ment for the present. It was a very im portant one, and might be offeree: again after we had gone through the other amend ments of minor importance. For his own part he was willing to vote for the amend ment ; but solely on the ground that this bill would be a transfer of sovereign pow ers of Government to a corporation, and therefore could be revoked by Congress whenever the public interest demanded it. In this respect it was wholly different from corporations of a private nature, in relation to subjects properly embraced by private contracts. He trusted his friend would withdraw his amendment for the present Mr. Tappan withdrew it for the present. Mr. Clay of Alabama moved that in case of suspension, the bills of the Bank should no longer be received in payment of pub lic dues. Mr. Clay of Kentucky ohjecied, and moved that the notes should not be received during the suspension. Mr. Clay of Kentucky said that the friends of the Bank wished to make it permanent specie paying institution, but it might suspend, and then it would be a great inducement to resumption, if the re ception of us notes again were the conse quence. Mr. Clav of Alabama said that to make the Bank a permanent specie paying insti tution, his amendment held out a stronger guarantee than that of its author, when the consequence was the exclusion of its notes from reception in the business of the Go vernment. This was the strongest motive to make it provide against suspension. Mr. Benton, Mr. Calhoun, and Mr. Al len, opposed the amendment of Mr. Clay of Kentucky. It recognised suspension as a sort of right in the Bank. It couh! play fast and loose with the Government and people; stop five years, and resume for a month, and in the latter event resume the right to pour in on the Treasury any amount ol its paper with an intention to faif again, and throw the loss of its irre deemable paper on the Treasury. The amendment of Mr. Clay of Ken luck' prevailed by a vote of 25 to 22. The amendment, as altered bv that of Mr. Clay of Ky. being under considera Uon, Messrs. Allen, Benton, and Calhoun opposed it, upon the ground that it recog nised the right of suspension, and that the penalties consequent on it tvere wholly inadequate, and were, moreover, as expe rience proved, never enforced. Mr. Cal houn argued, that it was held by sound lawyers that suspension was' a forfeiture of the charter. If this be so, then the pro vision in this charter for the reception of its notes after suspension, left the inference that this charter was exempt from the for feiture. Messrs. Nicholson, Walker, and Sevier looked upon the amendment, as amended as some . restriction ; and although they preferred it as proposed by Mr. Clay of Alabama, would vote for it in its altered form. " . Mr. Clay of Alabama proposed to amend the amendment of Mr. Clay of Kentucky, by adding that a "suspension shall be held and adjudged a cause of forfeiture of the charter'" It passed ayes 45, noes none. Tne amend nent as amended ihen passed. Mr. Clay of Alabama proposed an amend ment directing the removal of the deposites from the Bank in case of a vio'aiion of its charter, and the suspension of specie pay ments was specially named as a cause for the removal. This amendment Mr. Clay J of Alabama stated was drawn from the de posite act of 1836. Mr. Clay of Kentucky objected on the ground that he would not entrust that for midable power to the Secretary of the Trea sury, which he said was the parent of all the late misfortunes of the country. Mr. Clay of Alabama asked the Senator from Kentucky whether he did not voie for a similar provision in regard to the State Banks? lie said he had; but it was in consequence of the distribution of the pub lic iftoney connected with that bill that was his part of the bill." Thus it appears Mr. Clay of Kentucky, is willing to vote the tremendous unconstitutional powers which he condemned for vears, as fraught with fatal evils to the country, provided there was a distribution of the spoils to purchase his consent. - flir. Ijinn asked whether a proposition was not made last year from the same quar ter, to repeal and withdraw all deposites from the Sub-Treasury, and put them in possession of the Secretary of the Treasu- Mr.' Uuderwood to give way to allow ry.' " This, the pnblic will remember, was the proposition of the author of the present billwho is now too squeamish to trust the Preasury of; the . country with the custody of its own treasure, simply because, the National Bank, which is now to be entros- ted with the public money after suspension, is Ins liank. . Mr. Woodbury showed that he Secreta ry of the Treasury was compelled by the charter l. deem the Bank the Treasury, during the suspension, ant) draw checks on it, in all payments. In this case the anomoly would be presented of rejecting the notes of a Bank, while, all the good money received 'was given to it, and pub lic creditors paid by drawing oil the insol vent corporation. Mr. Sevier pressed the same views, and asked the Senator from Kentucky what he would do under such circumstances.'" Mr. Clay of Kentucky replied that the Secreta ry of the Treasury might make an arrange ment to put the money in special depostte with the Bank. Mr. Buchanan asked if the Secretary ought to be bound to put the public money in a Bank, the notes of which he was bound to reject in payments. Mr. Clay of Kentucky hereupon con sented to a modification, giving the Execu tive discretionary power to take care of the public tevenues during the recess of Con gress, and in case of the suspension of specie payments. It passed without di vision. Mr. Clay of Alabama proposed to amend. by increasing the penally from twelve to twenty-five per cent, on the failure of the Bank to redeem its obligations in specie : lost, ayes 19, noes 25. Mr. Benton proposed to strike out the clause which excluded Congress from the right of establishing any other National Bank than that now proposed, and that clause which permitted Congress to make charters for District banns, not exceeding in amount five millions. Mr. Benton read from the charier of the Bank in Queen Anne's lime, to show . that this exclusive privilege to a bank, maiming the rights of ihe Legislature, was a high Tory measure, of high Tory times ; and to show that it had been rejected as the policy of modern liberal English administrations, he referred to a letter of Lord Liverpool, repudiating such demands on the part of the Bank ; and he referred to the recent charters of the Bank, to show that the clause had been re jected from the late charter. Lost ayes 19, noes 25. Mr. Benton proposed an amendment ma king the refusal of the Bank to submit to the examination of a committee of Con gress, a forfeiture of charter. Lost by strict party vote. . Mr. Benton proposed to reduce the in terest allowed to the Bank from six to five per cent. Mr. Benton referred to the former grants of charters to National Banks, to show that this, so far from presenting the in ducements held nut in all recent grants of monopolies which as they were found more and more dangerous to the public, and lucrative to corporators, came forward pro posing increased restrictions on them, and greater benefits to the public came for ward proposing new privileges to the mo nopolies, and fewer advantages to the pub lie. To check this tendency in the present bill was the design of this, among other amendments he should propose. Mr. Benton then quoted the journal of 1832, to' show the terms on which the charter of that Bank era was carried through Congress. It allowed a bonus, which, proportioned to the capital on which privi leges are now conferred, would am 'Mint to four millions. Then the propo sition was made, in lieu of bonus, to re duce the tax on the public the usury on the Bank issues to five percent. This proposition obtained a strong rote. Among them was the vote of Mr. Tyler, the pre sent President, Mr. Mangum, and others of that side .the bonus was then carried as the purchase of the Bank. Now there was no bonus allowed, and the reduction of the interest to the people opposed. And the charter allowed the dividends of the Bank to reach seven per cent, per an num before any surplus could fall to the Government, this makes the stock as profitable as it has ever been in a National Bank monopoly, and yet all former remu nerations for this beneficial monopoly on the part of the moneyed aristocracy, ate omitted in the present improved charter. Mr. Benton's amendment was lost. TiicnsDAY, July 13. SENATE. Mr. Clay of Kentucky said he would he glad if the Senate would consent to take up the loan bill reported from the other llouso. The pressing necessity of the Treasury required prompt and speedy ac tion on it there was no time to be lost. Mr. Calhoun opposed the motion; but his remarks were too imperfectly heard in the gallery to enable us to state them. Mr. Clay satd he had as much reluctance as any Senator on the other side to impede the progress of the Bank bill; but the- Senator from South Carolina would see, if he candidly looked into the matter, that there was an urgent necessity for taking op the loan bill, with a view of providing for the exigencies of the Treasury. He must know that the expenditure for the year i twenty-four millions that is, two millions per month. He (Mr. Clay) had yesterday learned from the Treasury Department that there was but nine hundred thousand dol lars on hand not more than enough to cover the expenditures -of a fortnight. He would put it to the Senator he would put it to the Senate ought there to be any delay ought not time to be given, uTYer the passage vT the loan bill, for selling sufli-j cient of the stock to keep the Treasury in ! funds? He therefore hoped gentlemen would permit. the loan bill to be taken up this morning he could not anticipate any serious objection but if there was, he should, of course, submit, an J follow the usual mode of giving notice, and fixing a time for taking it up. Mr. Calhoun, in reply, was very indis tinctly heard; but was understood to say, that he thought the Senator's precipitation of his measures was a very extraoidinary mode of proceeding. 'At a moment's warn ing of an exigency, the Senate was calleJ upon to pass, with haste, a measure of more importance, and of more serious conse quences, not only to the country, as a for ced measure of an extra session, but to our successors, perhaps, for generations. It is one more of those great and dangerous in novations which call for the utmost caution and deliberation; yet, before the measure in hand is half through us discussion, in is loan bill is attempted to be precipitated, and, rhaps, carried, without time for reflec tion or debate. If the Senator from Ken tuck v really felt disposed to act up to his own urgent suggestions, put forward a day or two since, to get. through. his lirnk bill without waste of time, he (Mr. Calhoun) would make him a proposiiion to which he could not in fairness, or with consistency, object. It would obviate the necessity of inierrupting the progress of the Bank bill, and, without forcing atiisctission.of indefi nite length on the loan bill, obtruded out of lime and place, afford relief to the Treasury in the simplest and most expeditions way practicable, under the circumstances of the rase, tie would suggest to mm a snori mil for the issue of Treasury notes Io meet the expenditures, to a sufficient amount to afford the necessary relief. While Mr. Calhoun was making this proposition. Mr. Clay called to lum to speak louder, and he and his friends seem ed to be in a particularly, tocular hu mor."l Mr. Clay had one word to say on the subject of time- When at the early part of the session he hail urged upon the Senaie the necessity of aciion, and the example this grave body ou'ht to show of despatch in the public business, he was met by the Opposition with the cry of what is the use of such hurry; the other branch of Congress would be so far behind that it never could catch uo. Well, what is now ihe case? Has not the other House been treading on the heels of the Senate, and at last got the start of it a long way in advance of the business of the session The reason was obvious. The majority there is for action and has secured it. Some change was called for in this chamber. -The truth that the minority here control the action of the Senate, and cause all the delay of the public business. '1 hey obstruct the major ity in the despatch of all business of impor tance to the country, and particularly those measures which the majority is bound to give to the country without further delay. Did not this reduce tbe majority to the necessity of adopting some measure which would place the control of the business of the session in their hands? It was impos sible to do without it; it must be resorted to. Now, as to the proposition of the Sena tor from South Carolina: could he really be serious? could he imagine for a moment, that after all that had passed about the Treasury note scheme, the present Admin istration could entertain such a proposi tion? Mr Calhoun said he sincerely and candidly believed it was infinitely better than any plan of the Administration par- y- Mr. Clay said, no sir, no: he went for the real old fashioned way of borrowing money by a regular laan bill, and not for shining expedients. Mr. Calhoun asked why had not the loan bill been taken up in the other House before the land bill? If the exigencies of the Treasury depended for relief on the loan bill, why was it kept in the back ground till the fate of the land bill was known ? As to the sneers at the Treasury note scheme, they were no proof that it was not infinitely better, and if immediate relief were the only consideration, infinitely more expeditions anJ available than the loan bill. He could assure the Senator he was mistaken if lie calculated on being able to obtain immediate relief for the Treasury from the loan bill. The Senate could not be made to pass il in a day, at the word of commanJ. The Senator from Kentucky tells the Senate the other I louse has got be fore it. How has the other House got be fore, the Senate? By a despotic exercise of the power of a majority. By destroying the liberties of the people in gagging their Representatives. By preventing the minor ity from the free exercise of its right of re monstrance. This is the way the House has got before the Senate. And now there was too much evidence to doubt that the Senate was to be made to keep up with the Huse by the same means. Mr. Clay said the Senator wanted to know why the House hid not taken up the loan bill before the land bill. He really could not tell him why; he must refer him to the House itself for an answer. With regard to the Senator's allusions to the con trol of .ie business in another branch, of Congress by the inj riiy, he QMr. Clay" was expecting every moment that the Pre sident of the Senate would call him to or der, for it surely was nut competent in this body to animadvert on the action of the other. Hat as he lu I mauled in antici pations, to put the matter beyond doubt, he I Mr. Clay) would have the Senator to know that he would resort to the Consti tution and act on the rights insured in i to the majority, by passing a measure that onjit I ixa.ira t!i. -nnlrnl F ilia !.,.:...-. C ' the Senate to the majority If he did not- adopt the same means which had pro vet I so beneficial in the other House, he would have something equally efficient to fiflfar.' lie had no doubt of the cheerful adoption ' of such a ;measlire when it should come before the Senate. Here, already' three weeks and a half had been spent in amend- mem after amendment to this bill, being discussed and debated at as full length as if V the whole bill was on its final passage.- - Yet if a proposition is Urged to confine . debate to the merits or dements of each amendment, there is au outcry made aboUt abridging the liberty of spcechv.' Well,.- now, he knew the people loo, and he knew ihey were rot going to complain about the abridgment of long speeches in Congress, . They want their business to be done they want action, and not so much talk about it. The people will be very glad to find they can get the measures they are sd - impatient for, carried through without the .' useless delay of waiting for long speeches io be delivered. He recollected once meet iug with one of the most intelligent and: truly sensible . men it had ever beerr his good fortune to be acquainted with, and he was struck with a remarkable saying of his; it was. that he considered it utterly impos sible for any man, he did not care what his" genius was, to speak sensibly or n.efully on any topic fur more than a quarter of an hour. What, then, he (Mr. Clay) would say, was the use of such speeches as are here made ? There were two hundred and forty members in the other House; if each was to consume an hour, when would a session terminate, and yet the restriction would be complained of. The greatest, grievance complained of by the people whh regard to Congress is the delay of public business by long speeches. Mr. King said the Senator complained of three weeks and a half having been lost in amending his bill. Was not the Senator aware that it was himself and his friends had consumed most of that time? But now that the minority Irad to take it up, the Sen ate is told there must be a gag law. Did he understand that il was the intention of the Senator to introduce that measure? Mr. Clay. - 1 will, sir; I will. Mr. King. I tell the Senator, then, that he may make his arrangements at his boar ding house for the whiter. Mr. Clay. Very well, sir Mr. King. Did not the Senator, in the beginning of the session, press forward his favorite measure, the Batik bill, by "re moving the rubbish," as lie called the Sub Treasury, declaring that it could nut be de layed a moment, in order to give to the people this Bank bill? If there was any teal necessity for il then, it existed still. He (Mr. King) to test that point, was rea dy, and he would undertake to make the proposition for his friends, to get through with their amendmentes to-day and lo-mor row, and let trie bill go to Ihe vote to-inor row, or Monday at farthest. No," no: that would not do. The Senator did not now want to risk that. Some of his friends wete absent; they must be waited for. With whom then was the delay? He (Mr. King) was truly sorry to see the honorable Senator so far forgetting what is due to the Senate as to talk of coer cing it by any possible abridgment of i is free action. The freedom of debate had never yet been a bridged in thai body since the foundation of this Government. Was it fit or becoming, after fifty years of unre strained liberty, to threaten it wirh a gag law ? He could tell the Senator that. peaceable a man as he (Mr. King) was, whenever il was attempted lo violate that sanctuary, lie, lor one, would resist thai at tempt even unto the death, remaps all this was uncalled for; hut the occasion would be some excne. He was for tes ting the question of the Senator's power to carry I. is Bank bill. Let it be called up now, and lei the country judge between the Senator and the Opposition, whose was the fault of delay. He (Mr. King) would undertake to say that there should be no delay on the part of his friends. Let this Bank bill be disposed of at once, and then the Senator can lake up his other measures in their due order. - Mr. Benton said he Was ready to take the question at any time; but thought there ought to be no difficulty about it to-morrow afternoon, or on Monday at farthest. . He was wilhng to hi till 4 o'clock to-day and to-morrow, to get through with it. One word about this thing called freedom of de bate. He was ready to admit that the lib erty of speech had been greaily abused in this chamber. He could not think other wise when he recollected the proceeding of the last Congress. -The forbearance of ihe majority then in power was .severely tested. But it never thought of resorting to gag-laws, though there "would have been some show of vir.ue in stemming the licen tious abuse of the liberty of speech which was daily practised by the ihen' minority. He, was opposed to all restrictions of de bare. In committee of the whole it was particularly requisite in perfecting a bill, to scrutinize every word. The omission of a single word in a bill passed at one ses sion had cost upwards of a million of mo ney. ' He understood it was in contemplation to introduce the previous question into the Senate, not only in its ordinary proceed ing, bui in Committee of the Whole- It was easy to see how a bill would be a mendtd then. He would consider an at tempt io rule the Senate, by the despotism of the gag, as bad as introducing a band of soldier into it to force measures though, by pitching opposing Senators out of tbe window. He would consider his political life extinct, if such a measure was carried. Lewis the XIV, once finding it difficult u carry the registration of aa edict in one cf
The Lincoln Republican (Lincolnton, N.C.)
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July 28, 1841, edition 1
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