Newspapers / The Raleigh Register (Raleigh, … / Aug. 26, 1848, edition 1 / Page 2
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SPEECH OF MR; BADGER nv THR rOMrl'u'w' " . , . r o . th United States, July 26 ." i..-;nr under consideration .the .... . .;t.a! rnvernmenls OJ bill lo esubUso uw . . . Oon. Ne Mexico, and California . Vr Radges said: Jam very rJSAi,fi . rlC,t rp;n.? who reDorted. tbi bill. (Mr. fconor- . ,,M!led. bv consider duly under tbe influence of which I rrr ., m. here and elsewhere, to ores the measure through the Senate, and to pre Lx.. r. !Mhded on his action and influ ence! a full. staple, od thorough investigation of the subject in aJJ it Hearings. v nai is i acter of the measure 1 It ia a proposal to settle a most difficult and anxiously cooaidered subject, Bp0ji a. plan entirely novel ooe heretoforepro poeed by no ooe; and ao r a known, thought of byDO one. It ia a measure of immense impor tance, relating, a h does, to a subject tn itself of T.st coacere and complicated by many incidental difficulties. Now, it doe seem to me, that when the gentlemen composing the committee, after the various diversities of opinion among them selves, which were stated by my friend from Delaware. (M. CtiTTOw,) at last hit upon and concluded to present, as a coca promise, a measure before unknown and unconjectured, it was due to the importance of the occasion the high, sol emn, and lasting interest at stake and, in an eminent degree, due to this body, itself, that, in stead of being introduced to us with a significant notification tlutit was lo be pressed through in hot haste : -v . . , , Mr. Clayton, (in bis seat ) Nothing of the kind. Mr. Badger. I will show there was, though perhaps ir was not intended. . I was about to say, when interrupted by the Senator, that in these circumstances, instead of such an announcement being made to the Senate, we should have been informed that the committee,, unable lo agree up on any thing else, and acting from the best mo tives, nad thought proper to present a new and unheard of plan of pacification on this moment ons question; that they desired no haste ; that, on the contrary, they invoked from every member of the Senate the fulleat scrutiny ; that they not only wished and hoped, but demanded, as due to themselves, the Senate, and the country, the ap plication, on the part of every member of the bo dy, of bis best understanding to this subject, and a full, deep, thorough and searching investigation of the plan presented iu all its parts and bearings; that full time should be afforded to enable Sena tors both to reflect and to debate; and that, so far from the usual order of the Senate being re versed, in this question pressed upon a weary and exhausted Senate motions to adjourn, after a continued sittin? of seven and eight hours, res is ttdt. and the yeas and nays demanded no oppor tunity for deliberation and discussion would be withheld. Mv honorable friend from Delaware, (Mr ClaftoiO savs that no intention was announced to press this measure through in haste. If by that he means that no such terms were used, be is undoubted! correct. Bat, in point ol fact, how stands the matter! My friend announced that he would press this bill upon the consideration ot the Senate. It was jarst called, up. if I recollect a. right, on Saturday .afternoon;. and, after a long and laborious session, my honorable friend resis ted a motion for adjournment, and on yeas and nays, voted againat it. The Monday after was spent in the consideration of the bill, and precise ly the same result took place. My honorable friend in charge of the bill, to whom its friends naturally looked (or the course they ought to pur sue upon motions) for adjournment, still declined to adjourn.- Yes, after a session of full seven hoars; nearly eight, I may add, when my honorable friend from Kentucky, (Mr. Undekwood,) no to address the Senate, himself a member of the committee ; when many Senators were exhausted and some prostrated ; and when even I, with a constitution of iron, and youth besides on my side, felt some respite to be necessary, a motion to ad journ was carried, upon the yeas snd nays, against the vote of my friend from Delaware. - The pro ceeding was, in my opinion, unfortunate very unfortunate though I attribute nothing of im propriety of intention to the gentleman, or those who acted with him. Mr. Clayton. It is very .extraordinary that the gentleman does not recollect that when the Senator from Maryland, (Mr. Johnson,) who was exhausted and unwell, desired the Senate to adjourn, I. in opposition to the wishes of the friends of the bill, expressed a desire that the mo tion might succeed, and gave it my support. That the gentleman calls " hot haste." Mr. Badges, , Unfortunately, the honorable gentleman confounds two different cases. I know that the gentleman assented to the motion to ad journ; list evening, for the accommodation of my 'friend from Maryland ; bat how was it when my friend from Kentucky, (Mr. Underwood ) who too supposed to be opposed to the bill, desired an adjournment for his accommodation ! It was to this case that I referred. Allow me, sir, to add what 1 wae-about to say when interrupted by the honorable gentleman, that I regard bis course as peculiarly unfortunate with regard to such a bill as this. V The great end and object of the bill, as avowed by the gentleman and the committee, is to pacify jthe public mind, to settle this agitated subject, and to restore harmony to the country. How t " Only by its moral power. Yon cannot change the opinion, or settle the discontents of free America,' by the mere force of law. On oc casions ofthis kind, it is all important that the moral Influence which accompanies a measure, should be as extensive as possible in its operation ; and therefore, !' think, there should have been shown no discussion of the question, by pressing a vote, here until the physical energies of the Senate -should be broken down, and the members be compelled by exhaustion to submit. This ia a long session, and the Senate have re fused to fix any day for its termination ; and there fore, there ia no excuse, in my judgement, for the course which has been pursued. The session it is true, has been a very long one ; and the weath er is very hot and exhausting. I am as anxious as any gentleman to return to my home and my children, but I see no reason why this great and important measure shook! be hurried through the Senate. If, indeed, the Senate had passed the resolution from the House and the House had adopted iteamendment fixing the final day of ad journment for the 31st, we should have stood in a very different condition. In that case; I should xnyselrhave given a silent vote, or should, at most have made a very brief statement of the grounds opon which I have formed an opinion advene to the passage of the bill. But under present cir cumstances, with an unlimited session before us, I feel justified in presenting my views fully and at Urge-, , J shall undertake to show that this com promise measure, which my honorable friend has reported and reexommeuds, involves a total and absolute awrendcr, oo ifie -part of the South, -of whatever rights, feelings, or interest we may have ia the subject, without any advantage being gain ed thereby to us. or cf tie country. Mr;Trestdent, oft lbs fits day of June, in tVw present year of salvation; one thousand eight hon ored and forty eigb Vpech Was delivered by an 'S.JtJ member of h other f louse, represen tnf ffSiTmSiityiilVni a fMJWfti ewbtehed in ihia ctyrefldvehtrHcd. irol'ma. fcyy t" Representatives. ' Ju 184S.v s4aiWi-. i . : .iL t lune I, speech are some remarks in re- ference in myself, and I read them because, as -ii!:,tn with the sub eel I under consideratkra The passage will he found on important sublets Mile to beprecise on the 7ih P' near., the foot of the left hand Column, and is in these words: ". -.V A distinguished Senator of my own State, (Mr. Badges, a gentlemen of big b attainments and exten ded reputation, ia recent speech on the Oregon bill .rfm'.f. ih rihtrConrress to legislate for the exclu sion of slavery in th territories, but placed the South upon the principle ol xpeowBBj aou uumon oi jus tice of the Federal Legislature." Now to those who are curious in such matters, it msv be somewhat interesting to learn mat, iu mis dle of this month, and delivered, as stated on its faoe, on tK first day of June; reference Is made in the passage which I have read, to some remarks sub mitted br me in the Senate upon the second day of the same month of June. ' My first impression, was that the gentleman was incorrect in his chronology : but before committing myself on this point, I thought I would follow the example commended to .us by the Senator from Mississippi, (Mr. Foote,) several times this session, and have a peep at the dictionary to as certain what this word " chronology" means. 1 found that I was mistaken in my first notion, for the defini tion of u chronology" is satisfied by arranging events according to the proper year; and, therefore, the gentleman was guilty of no violation of eJiroohsy when he represented himself as referring on theyffjf of June to what was said on the second, both days being in the same year. Some persons, on reading this reference in the speech to my remarks, and liud- ing, from the proceedings and debates of the Senate, that I had not said one word on the subject until af ter the speech was made, might suppose that a sligh t inaccuracy had crept in, and that those remarks were sot made at all in the House or uepreseniatives on the fri of June, which refer, as a past event, to a speech of mine, made on the second of June ; but were inserted for the first time in tne prmtea speecn in the month of July. But I draw no such inference. The whole matter may be satisfactorily explained, without any such uncharitable supposition. In an cient times, when the prophetic spirit descended up on a man, tue seer, "rapt in future times," often saw events with such force and distinctness, that, in prophetic strain, he spoke of them as past already. Again: This is the oge of progress. In the olden time, it was said that u coming events cast their shad ows before;" and now, in the mighty improvements of the day, amidst the wonders of steam and electric ity, it may well be, that "coming moras cast their sounds before !" And thus it happened that my col league of the House, in the dark, hour of midnight, had bis spirit troubled with a vision so clear of the atrocity which I should commit on the second of June, that it became impressed upon bis mind as a past event, snd, as such, he alluded to it on the first. And then, his patriotic horror, in this clear foresight or forehearws of my offence, impelled him to make a pious appeal to heaven in these words, immediately following those which I have quoted : u Graeious heaven ! are we reduced to this 1 Is our only, onr last hope, the verdict of a jury whose interest, whose reelings, and whose organisation fix that Teruict agftinst us f ' And a little after, still referring to me, he ex claims- " And d southern statesmen sound the first note of retreat? Does the flaefall first in their hands?" Now, as I intend to advance again that atrocious sentiment waicb, delivered by me on the second day of June, awakened the prophetic horror or my col league of the House on the first, and as his speech, no doubt with the kindest reelings towards me, was printed and circulated extensively in the State of North Carolina, the Senate will see why I have made this reference, snd that it is demanded of me, as a matter of respect and grateful consideration to him, that I should state the grounds on which my opinion rests ; an opinion, by the expression of which 1 have, according to his phrase, u sounded the first note of retreat" from a position which I have never assumed, and thrown down a flasr which 1 never raised. In order to a full understanding of my views, it is necessary that I should go tack a little m the argu ment, and show that this Government has a right to acquire territory, and whence that right is derived. Upon this point different opinions have been express ed. My friend from Massachusetts, (Mr. Davis,) in a very able speech on this subject, treated this as a casus omissus in the Constitution, held the power to acquire an assumed one, and the right to govern as a consequence merely of the acquisition. In my opinion, the power to acquire territory is expressly conferred -upon the Government of the United States by the Constitution. The President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, has power to make treaties. Congress has power to declare war. The Constitution specifies no particular kind of trea ties, ss included in or excluded from the grant Nor does it specify the purpose for which war is to be waged, or the manner in which it is to be concluded, but leaves these as necessary incidents to the treaty- making and war-making powers respectively. Again, the Constitution has not enly omitted any express restriction upon the treaty-making power, but de clares that u all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land." Whatever limita tions, therefore, may from the necessity of the ease be inferred as for instance, that a treaty cannot be made to destroy the Government, or the Constitu tion, or any integral part of them, or to introduce any new element of political power it is certain that the treaty-making power is subject to no expresslim itation whatever. When the Constitution was form ed, various kinds of treaties were known among na tions ; and all these were undoubtedly included in the granted power. Among these were treaties of cession, by which the United States might acquire as well as cede territory. The power is a large one, and the limitations upon it, whatever they may be. have not yet been defined or applied. The extent of this power may be judged from a few instances furnished by the history and practice of the nation. irst. a j treaty, the President and Senate can exercise a power expressly conferred upon Congress. For example, they can regulate commerce, and con fer citizenship. Again, by treaty the United States can exercise a power not conferred upon the Gener al Government at all, but undoubtedly reserved to the States. Of this, examples are found in the trea ties with France and the Netherlands, by which the subjects of those powers were enabled to succeed to tne inheritance or lands in the United States without becoming naturalized, and thereby the laws of the States excluding aliens from the succession were re pealed snd abrogated. A rain, bv treaty the United States can set up a demand for a debt which has been by due course of law paid and satisfied. This was done with regard to the British debts which bad been ngn trolly confiscated by State authority during the Revolutionary war, and the amount paid into the treasuries of the respective States. And, again, by treaty the United States may acquire authority to erect judicial tribunals and confer judicial power within the territory of a foreign and . independent nation. Of this we have an example in the bill now on our table to erect snch tribunals and confer such power to be exercised in the empire of China It seems, therefore, to follow necessarily, as well from the express grant of power as from the practice of the Government, that the President and Senate, by' treaty, may acquire territory for the United States. nen mat acquisition is maae, oj tne exercise oi the power thus granted, the Constitution confers ex pressly upon Congress the power to legislate for the government of the territory so acquired. For It con fers on Congress the power " to make all laws nec essary ana proper for carrying into execution" the w power vested by this Constitution in the Govern ment or the United States, or in any department or officer thereof." l o my understanding It is there fore plain that, by the treaty-making power, we have express authority to acquire territory; and, by the Previaion I have cited, Congress hoi express author ity to legislate for it when acquired. Now, sir upon U.iaj)OWP- what 111 HttwiUn aiwt )in mT t?be foandj . ..There are plainly none ia the VTT - " on thing for us to think hVvrUla restraint? hexeraise et.this MVrLn ft.??- ttiJ 1 wtiaforaed by fi v .n"le btr "as mistaken in supposlng-his speech to have been first clrculaf ed Jq J uly-- tfitit rcctuja in juitlce as well to him as to myself. ' power would be convenient, would at this particular time be reasonablsy would subserve the Interests ofthat section of The Country in whlch we happen talive, or,1fyoa blease, the general interests of-the whole; and it is another ami very different thing to show an actual restriction upon the power Otself. The former relates to a lust and proper,moue o exercising authority, and addresses itself to those in whom the power is vested.1 The Other implies . H ' . . . TW. j.telX an actual exclusion .of the power,,-which- leaves nothing for. the exercise of discretion stall. The honorable Senator from Virginia, (Mr. Hunter) ' remarked that, althoueh it seemed to him an absurd ity to deny Congress the power to govern the terri-' torT. vet that nower must be exercised in subordi nation to some general rule given in the Constitution tie undertooK 10 speciij u wo, bum wrwim it was a very unhappy illustration of the rule he had laid down. lis remarxea mat congress was Douna to establish over a territory a republican form of gov ernment. Why, sir, what has been heretofore the action of Congress? What do we propose to do by this very bill I tataousn a repuoncan form of gov ernment? Why, the f resident and Senate are to send four men to New Mexico and five to California, who, without the previous request or subsequent sanction of the people there, are to exercise legisla tive; executive, and judicial powers over them. Is this republican ? Is this what the Constitution oalls a republican government i A government, in which the people governed do not elect their governors, and do not exercise the smallest restraint, control, or in fluence over them. Sir, it is preposterous to call such an institution republican. . How, then, do gen tlemen make out that from this general power of Government, conferred without qualification, is ex cepted the power of excluding the institution. It exists in the States which allow, ir, as a State insti tution, under their laws. It does not exist as an institution of the United States. It is not an insti tution that owes its Origin to any law of the United States, by which slavery is introduced or establish ed. Nor is it recognised by the Constitution of the United States, otherwise than as a State institution. The only reference to it in that instrument is the simple provision by which persons bound to service or labor in one State, " under law? thereof," and es caping into another, shall be delivered up on com plaint jjf the party to whom such service or labor may bo due. Where, then, do gentlemen find ground for the conclusion that, although Congress has power to govern these terrritories in every oth er particular, it has no power to govern them in re gard to this particular institution? If the conclu sion were right, would it not follow, that to intro duce slavery is as much beyond the power of iOn cress ss to exclude it ? Mr. President, the opinions I have expressed do not depend on any reasoning of my own, but, with out referring ta the precedents which have been fur nished by the past history of the Government, are fully sustained by the solemn snd considerate jndg- ment of the Supreme Court of the United State, in the caso so often referred to, (American Insurance Company r Canter, 1 Pet.) both as to the source from which the right of acquisition is derived, and the nature and extent of the power over what is ac quired. In delivering ffe opinion of the court in that case, Chief Justice Marshall says " The Constitution confers absolutely on the Gov ernment of the Union tbe powers of making war and of making treaties ; consequently, that Government possesses the power of acquiring territory eltner by conquest or by treaty, tr it be ceded by tne treaty, the ceded territory becomes a part of the nation to which it is annexed, either on the terms stipulated in the treaty of cession, or on such as its new mas ter shall impose. Perhnps the power of governing a Territory- belonging to tbe United btates, which has not, by becoming a State, acquired the means of self-government, may result - necessarily from tbe facts that it is not within the jurisdiction of any particular State, and is within tbe power of juris diction of tbe United States. 1 as right to govern most be the inevitabreoonquenceof therightto ac quire territory. Whichever may be the source whence the power is derived, the possession of it Is unques tioned.77 Mr. Justice Johnson, in his opinion, delivered in the same case, when in the circuit court, thus ex presses himself: "The right, therefore, of acquiring territory, is altogether incidental to the treaty-making power, and, perhaps, the power of admitting new States in to the Union : and the government of such acquisi tions is of course left to tbe legislative power of the Union, as far as that power is uncontrolled by trea ty. By the latter we acquire either positively or sub wiodo, and by the former dispose of acquisitions. I see nothing in which the power acquired over the ceded territories can vary from tne power acquired under the law of nations by any other government over acquired or ceded territory rSTvwsp mm Vi ia im 2 f f 4n insiAii av9 if at 1av a vnj Ml uetu aj as uuuwismiui a mm vva and decided opinion, of the court, delivered by the eminent man who at that time presided over its de liberations, and who was himself the embodiment of all judicial excellence that, under tbe treaty and war powers, tbe United States have, under tbe Con stitution, the right to acquire territory: that tbey acquire it upon me same terms as any omer uauuu , i and that it is subject, in their hands, to such terms and conditions as they may deem proper to impose, subject onlv to snch restrictions if any, as may be contained in the treaty of cession. Nov, how do we expect, after this decision, to procure from the supreme uonrt or tne united oiaiesan aajuaicauoc mar, independently altogether oi legislation oy con gress, the instant any territory becomes ours, the in stitution of slavery exists there by the mere force of the Constitution of the United States? Gentle men say that every American citixen has a right to eo into the newly acquired territory. It is needless to examine that, for no one proposes to exclnde them. But it is another and different question, whether he has a right to carry a slave there, and, because the slave was recognised as property m tne estate from which he came, to insist that, therefore, such slave Bhall be recognised as property in the territory to which he goes. The affirimative of the question cannot, in my opinion, be maintained. Sappoee, which is not at all unlikely, that within a few years we should follow the example of Great Britain, and procure the cession of some station or post within the dominions of the Emperor of China, in order more effectually to promote our commerce and pro tect our cuixens in mat country, tuia - it be main tained that, instantly upon the cession, from the na ture of our Constitution itself, negro slavery would spring up and become a recognised institution there? This would seem to be absurd. Yet it stands upon me same arguments, applying wim equal force, up- on wnicn rests me auegea constitutional propaga tion of slavery into these Mexican territories. Sir. the inquiry must present itself, whether slavery wis an institution of the territory before, in point of iocc, njxy siaTe was carried mere by one of our citi- I r .i . t i " . ecus, ii bv, men me sisto earriea wouia be recog nised as property in the territory by force of its own institution, and not that of the States from which. me siave was Drought. Thus, in my own State. mougn, in a point or fact, there was not a single slave to be found to-day, still slavery would be are- cuguuseu luswmuon oi me state ; and tne man who should go there with his slave to-morrow, would tint carry any new institution with him, but would mere- j v- cwgmaBu auDjec oi property un- Now it om. n .v. w i : , ODIDIOIUI I OnnAM ninit itointtin r . ... I w Kuueunn wnose i -r- - -rr-" vuo mv UUflES I aa rnsawTnmr rm Tit n m f l r.-.ii..i' . a. a i Uv m vj iinvo vi Mia onsuiuuon ox ue Uni ted States, the moment territoriesaraaennirot ry becomes there a recognised Institution, or else, that, whether it will be an institution of the territo ry or not depends upon the fact whether or not a slave shall be carried there that, When carried; the law of slavery springs up, andben removed the law ceases. Wow, air, this latter proposition i seems to me an absurdity. The law which recognises slave ry must exist or not exist, iydepeAdentlr of the con duct of individuals; and as. in my judgment, the Constitution does not ofitself establish slavery where it did not exist, we must, in order to ascertain its existence or .non-ex isttnca.after our aoqaisitioB re sort to the previous ,law. There, seems te be some' doubt, as I collect J from the' remarks ef honorable Senators on this subject what was the state of Ibe law in the territories artrimTTrom Mexico. By some it is allfged that nil slavery was abeolaielv pro hibited; by-some, that a species of slavery, called Peon serritude, existed nuder certain modifications, about which gentlemen are not agreed ; but it is conceded on all hands, that African slavcryas rc- I cognised; n certain States, of teJJ iwonas act. an institution recognised ia jjhweJaexiMaJerritories. V Npw, I hldupon'tto1stncesslon,"thaVtheJ Mexico not Eavig4recogniser slaver si "H 'exists wiihsucVeUveryiStandsiproJu Until it shall be alio wed. by law. - Nothing 1 appra- c vjwra, man tun oj.we acquisition oi . a. territory, whether it forms n part or the w whole of a foreign nationwhether subdued by arms or ceded by-treaty no laws are repealed .exeeet those which are inconsistent with the relations which the snbju-v. gated people bear to their new sovereign ; that such acquisition implies only a chance of dominion and allegiance a transfer of legislative authority and executive control ; and. that all laws, not necessarily inconsistent therewith, remain in full force until the new sovereign shall modify, alter, or abolish them. On this subject Vat t el thus expresses himself: "The fundamental regulation that determines the manner in which the public authority is to be exe cutedj is what forms the Constitution of the State. In this is seen the form in which the nation acts, in quality of a body politic, how and by whom the peo ple are to be governed, and what are the rights and duties of the Governor." "The laws are regula tions established by public authority, to be observed in society." " The laws made directly with a view to the public welfare are political laws, and in this class those that concern the body itself, and the be ing of the society, the form of government, the man ner in which the public authority is to be exerted those, iu a word, which together form the Constitu tion of the State, arc the fundamental laws. The civ il laws are those that regulate the rights and con duct of the citizens amdn themselves." Chief Justice Marshall, in delivering the opinion of the court, in the case to which I have before re ferred, speaking of the effect produced by the cess ion of territory; says : On such transfer of territory it has never been held that the relations of the inhabitants with each other undergo any change. Their relations with their former sovereign are dissolved, and new rela tions are created between them and the government which acouifedstheir territory. The same act which transfers thevaUgiance of those who remain in it, and the law which may be determined political is nec essarily changed ; although that which regulates the intercourse and general conduct of individuals re mains in force until altered by the newly created power of the State." And again, in the same opinion, ne says : " It has been already stated that all the laws which were in force in Florida, while a province of Spain those exoented which were political in their char acter, which concerned the relations between the people and their sovereign, remained in force until altered by the Government of the U nited states, congress recoenises this principle by using the words laws of the territory now in force therein." IMow, it is here manifest, that or the laws or a cea ed territory, none are abrogated by the cession ex- cept those which are called political, and that those only are called political which concern theTclations between the people and their sovereign; toat tnese are "necessarily, changed," because inconsistent with the new relations between the territory and its new sovereign ; mat tne necessity or me case aione produces any change ; and that all other laws, wheth er described as the municipal laws, the civil laws, or the laws rezulatinz " tbe rights and conduct of the citizens among themselves," remain in force un til altered by tbe new sovereign. (Concluded in our next.) PARSON BROWNLOW AND TAYLOR. The eccentric and warm hearted-editor of tbe Jonesboroogh (Tenn.) Whig, was so grieved st the defeat ot Air. Ulay in the Philadelphia Conven tion, that be refused to run up the names of ray lor and Fillmore. Time, however, has mollified the old gentleman's resentments, and he now urges all good Whigs to vote the ticket. We quote below the conclusion of two lung articles on the Presidency, published in bis paper of Au gust 2, and both signed with his own name, as follows Baltimore American. " AH good Whigs who intend to vote in this election, ought to vote for Taylor and Fillmore If tbe ticket is elected, as it certainly will be. the influential Whigs of the Union may influence tbe measures of Taylor, and if so, we shall have a sound administration. If Providence should call Taylor away, we shall have a sound Whip: president, and an able statesman in the person of Millard Fillmore. Should Cass and Butler be elected, we can hope for nothing good for four years to some. 1 hen let all good Whigs, vote for Taylor, at a venture, and when four years shall have rolled around, let them again put on the harness and wheel into line in support of . . . . . neir principles. W. G BROWNLOW, Editor of the Jonesboro Whig. You can say to your friends that Tennessee will cro for Tavlor and Fillmore bv a rnaioritv of nve or ten thousand votes that this District, heretofore Democratic, will give them a majority, and last, thought not least, that this county, al- wsys Democratic, will go for Taylor and Fill more Very respectfully, your ob'd servant. W. G. BROWNLOW. THE LAW OF LOVE. BT M. T WILUS. Oh, if there is oae law above the rest Written in wisdom if there is a word That I would trace as with pen of fire Upon th' unsullied temper of a child If there is anything that keeps the mind Open to angel-visits, and repels The ministry of ill his human love. God has made nothing worthy of contenmt : The smallest pebble in the well of truth Has its peculiar meanings, and will stand . v nen man a best monuments wear fust away The law of Heaven is lore, and tho its name Has been usurped by passion, end profan'd To its unholy uses through all time, Still, the eternal principle is pure; And in these deep affections that we feel Omnipotent within us, can we see The lavish measure in which love is given. And in the yearning tenderness of a child For every bird that sings above his head, And every creature feeding on the hills, And every tree and flower and running brook We see how' everything was made to love, And how they err who in a world like this ' Find anything to bate but human pride. ' " 1 A CniFTER of Political VVdNDEBs -r-Some one has quaintly remarked, if peace be now made this will be the first example of war begun with out authoriy and ended wtlhoulaiUhortty. But this is only a part of tbe -wonders which attend, this most extraordinary chapter, of history. Look at these, for example : A 1 n t-resiaeni mates war without the au l -1 be President makes t i- - " tw. O. tl'i.-A. 2. His Ambassador ends it without bis author itj, or any authority. ...... ; o. ,i jiq jfresident of this country permits tbe a. blest Generals of tbe enemy, to take command and fight us as hard as possible. ' 4. The Genera) of our forces, who conquered the enemy, -is arrested in the midst of victories, and without offence, ia to be tried as a criminal . .6. We propose to pay twenty million of dollars for territory, we have already occupied. 6. We have the best lands in tbe world, and we are exceedingly anxious to get the werst. ' "A series of contradictions of blunderf and inrre dlblo inconsistences like these,' cannot we believe be paralleled by any administration, in any country. Perhaps if we bunt up tbe records of some King John or. Henry VIr we may possibly find a paral lel hut certainly not in this country or in any re cent history of Europe. Frank. (Ky ) Common. If yon would have a light heart and a clear con sciencepay the Printer. - ORB SECRET IHST0KY. V-l!h rrespohdence of Fwnc. Blair and JJenjamifekTsppan developed eettain pages of secret history, whicb, wert any thing but advanr tageo ue . to T t nei ch aracte r of M r, "JPol.k. as, a, pan did and upright sujesmaa. The fdriowioget ter betrays a systein ordouble. dealing,7 persevered in thrbughout the agttatioii of-the Texas , ques -Uon,:whicli is altogether without a parallel in the history ofv tbia-couulry and which, has not its like in any pace r es ve- in the corrupt , circle of European courts. One would, almost, imagine that these transactions most have occurred in Italy during the 16th century and not in America du ring the 19ih. t Our readers very welhknw tvhQ Mr. Jones is. He was the editor of ibejUadisoniau during the Tyler administration, and the confidential friend of the" PresidehC know" to he deep in the confidence of air the Cabinet. He had ample opportunities for making the discoveries herein set forth, -and there is an air of candor about his letter, which cannot be mistaken.: The letter iu plf will not fait to convince all who read it, of the sincerity of the author. Mr. Jones has. done the J country a service in adding this chapter to the se cret history of the most enormous public crime, which had been perpetrated since the first parti lion of Poland, and which resulted ia conse quences to us, the end of which have not yet been seen.- To the Editor of the Whig. Philadelphia, Aug. 10th, 1848. Gentlemen You have seen, perhaps published, ) one or two letters recently written by Mr Blair, divulging a few items of the intrigues at Wash ington, in relation to the mode adopted for the annexation of Texas. Mr B.'s revelations, while they very palpably leave a stain upon the char acter of Mr 'Polk, at the same time prove that he was on terms of mutual familiarity with the Pres ident, his confidential friend, A V Brown, and Mr Benton. Now it is not my purpose either to attempt a defence of Mr Polk, or a refutation of the testimony ofJVlr B. ' It is merely my purpose to supply a few items of the recent history of the time, omitted by Mr Blair, and of which, perhaps, he had no knowledge. In the first place, Mr Brown, one of the Pres idetit's confidential friends, bad previously pledged himself in Mr. Polk's behali to Mr Tyler's friends, that Mr, Benton should never have the slightest influence with the President, if elected. In the next place similar pledges were given byMr. P.'s friends immediately attached to his twth previously and subsequently to his election) in regard to Mr. Blair. They stated (in writing) that the u conduct of the Globe had lost them Teunessee, and came nigh losing. them the Union." 1 his perhaps, may explain to Mr Blair the secret of the President's duplicity but not justify it I have no expectations, hopes or desires spec tally to participate in the benefits of party tn umphs in future. I desire merely to 41 vindicate the truth of history" and the whole truth. There were also acknowledgments from the Alpha and Omega of Democracy, Gen. Jackson snd Thomas Ritchie, that the friends ofMr.Ty ler stood upon an equal footing with the rest of Mr. Polk's supporters. - It may. not be necessa ry to state that I never asked a. fay or at Mr Polk's hands : but it is worthy of mention that the reeking knife of proscription was relentlessly drawn across the throats of all, or' nearly all, of those left in official station by' Mr. fyler from tbe greatest of living patriots, Mr. Caioun, to a subordinate custom-house omce in this city, Mr. Lustis. It is, likewise a portion of the history of the time, that Mr. Walker who had previously in voived himself in a contemplated military enter prise against Texas, without tbe sanction of law. and similar, in certain respects, to Burr s conspi racy upon the withdrawal of Mr. Tyler from the canvass, shed tears of gratitude and delight in the counting room of the Madisonian office, and declared that Mr. T. had saved the party from defeat. Subsequently, he became a very m m 'ft a . Robespierre iu sending Mr. i s friends to the guillotine. ' Now, 1 am done, I hope with party politics for ever. And vet, as I bave a small space left. 1 may as well express my profound regret that I contributed, in the slightest degree, to the eleva tion of a man to the highest position tn the world, who possessed so diminutive an intellectual call breas Mr. Polk. He stumbled in making his first official step and has never since been able to assume the dignified equilibrium of a statesman. After his braggadocian assertion in regard toUre gon, ne was intioidated into an acceptance of a treaty not negotiated with, but dictated by. the Birtish Cabinet. None but the Americans who happened to be in Europe at the time, can appre ciate the sentiment of other nations in regard to the pusillanimous conduct of .our Executive, They viewed the bead of . the Confederacy as a . i i true representative oi me intelligence, nonor ana bravery of the people over whom be presided. nis war with Mexico was regarded as a mere at- tempt to remove such imputations. And in so far as our Generals and ibe army were concerned, tbe wanton scheme was. successful. But the avowed objects of the' war were never to be ob tained, for want of wisdom and firmness in the Executive- Mr. Polk's indemnity for the past and security for the future,' is now a by-word and derision at every civilized court in the world.' impartial history will bear record of Mr. Polk's total ipeompetence as a Chief Magistrate. His acts are a series of blunders. The repeal of the tariff of M2 was a blunder. I say this, who am an advocate of free trade. Had the tariff not been disturbed, England by this time would have been bankrupt,, and our. manufactures have no longer needed special protection. , Now, any one who will look over the Union, must perceive the al? most prostrating or the rnanulacluring interest, while every ship that sails from our parts is freigh- ted with our gold and silver. And before many months, in spite ot Mr. Walker's figures, the vaults ot tbe Treasury, will again Jie empty,, and new loans necessary. .a "... ,j ... ......... in regard to Mr, Cass, no .. sort of punctilio" would constrain me to vote for him. -lie is an abolitionist. -1 care not what description of letters he may -write to Mr. Ritchie, to. bamboozle the South. He is capable of doing that,andof ex plaining (by means of private agents) to bis northern friends his motives and reasons for doing! so. iuo uvkuciu uuiuiuuuia wuu airaiMjuiteu. his cause, do it hot because they are satisfied he is no abolitionist ; but because he has hof the" in dependence to remain c)c7iy consistent in hi long cherished convictions' on the subject of the VViImot Frovisortbe 3'ariE cv, AhhoneJi Jiui confidential - friends assure them that Jhis - doc trine of leaving the control of the subject of slave ry to the vote of a majority of tbe inhabitants of the territories, will be the. most effectual, and speedy method of - interdicting any participation of the South in-such domains belonging of rfrht equally ao all of ahe States, ye t lhey 'condemn his unmanly preraricstion, and feel at rowr enough to carry jbesj point with abampibo wha is not afraid to aror'bi'6urpcsi-vf5": One word 1n regard to democrtcyas at nreseht organized. Iregartf lt alwiy exceptW some of its ligawenta on yon r side oTtbe Khe) ia aii irremediable mass of corruption, incapable of "sbunghingpr'any. particle worse than those 'hat. remain, h , baa progressed beyond the Constitution, and if not withheld in its career will soon produce anarchy, civil -war, and an Imperial Master. The Convention ""of 44 destroyed the liberties of the people, by abolishing tbe right of I suflragei-ytiieJIrst and Nearest of rirhf8B A. tating a xnan lo the country, .who had not I, ously received the voices' of any portion krl1' peopleair; Cass is a Progressive Del J he and a Manifest Destiny roan. democrat,, f"' I am yonr obedient servant, P. S, J intend to support Gen. Z. Taylor' TALlJABIiE Liir CF 3E SSi S3 Eta UB TTpEIffG desirous of moving to ibe Somh U$ my Valuable Tract of Land for l ff?f mile North east of Kakigh, between the r ? 8,1 Road and the Koad leading to Wake Pol, mediatelv on the Rateieh anJl(?.nn . "ud"a- ne waci contains auoui rive Hundred Aer watered,iwell adapted to the cultivation of r-'" ri-enaeescr ' Tb. i -. u'. be dirided o as la male two beantir.,1 .r co"ld is deemed unnecessary to say any thin more lt purchaser will examine before buying. For ' lhe er particulars, enquire of Mr. Kimbb'ocgh JnDJ0lh" - J- MATTHEW Jovps" Wake Co , July 3, 1843. UAECS- 4 Land for Sale. 'ISHING to move to the West r W one of the boctTmnr i ... , : "U will CounV, N. C.,on the wa n7Z "coS"8 860 acresabout one-fourth in w(Kds Th " w is .he coldest and most heathy in any p9 0f Carolina. A good two story House, with six room a fire place to each, is on the Tract. There is ?' era! Spring near the House, which will cure IW" sia. A credit of ooe and two vesrs will be men Bonds to be given payable in Bank. PoeionV ven in October. As it is presumed the buyer WoS like te see the Land, further description is nnneeaJ UFf P M.H tall n n t . I " 1 . . "VLC. i . ' UilH ocsiraDie rlantati and judge for yourselves. loo HORACE A. BURTON July 24, 1848. 6 Land and Negroes for Sale ! BEING very dewiroua of leaving this State 1 n offer for sale the TRACT OF LAND on 1& ! reside, containing by estimation, 1300 acres, and sit nated in the County of Halifax, with the Raej2h and Gaston Kail Road on one side, and the River Roanoke on the opposite combining the advantages of transportation by the River and Road, and in a few hours run on the Rail Road to Petersburg or Raleigh having Gaston in 5 miles and Littleton Depot the same distauee. The Dwelling House is iu a mile . and a half of the Rail Road. The subscriber deems it unnecessary toVo into a descrimion nfik. f many advantages and inducements held out to per- wn8 desirous of owning such property. H that any person desirous of owning such property will call and look at it ; and he can confidently say that it combines as many comforts and advantages as any place in the country, and is known as one of th. rwi nest healtest places in that section of the State. If th . bove described Land is not sold before the 1st day of November, it will then be nnt npDublicIv. and n!J without reserve, at which time the Subscriber pro pose to sell from 15 to 18 Valuable Slaves, mostly house servants. They will be sold in families, as I am not disposed to violate the laws of humanity, by selling" or separating children from their parenti IL H. MOSBY Halifax County, J orjr 17, 1843. 57 tf. Hotel- for Sale. riTIHE SUBSCRIBER wishes to Sell this Valoa. JL Property", in Wilkesboro', N. C. The Hous is large and commodious, containing twenty rooms, including a Store and Counting Room, and attached are two Lumber rooms, six offices for boarders, two cellars, an Ice House, Kitchen, Wash house, and all other oat houses j'i very targe Carriage House, Su bles and Corn Cribs, with two Wells on the premi ses. ' - - " ' - ' - This stand possesses many advantages as a Tar- em : it is now the only Hotel , in the . pleasant littto village of Wilkesboro'i which is situated very, near the .Yadkin River, and immediately on the great Western Road from Salem, N. C. to Jonesboro' Tenn, on which tbe greater part of tbe travel from Eastera Worth Carolina to the Western States passes. It it, also, one of the most healthy and pleasant situations in the Stale, surrounded by rich and productive Yad kin lands. ' s't"r - -v '-v A further description is deemed unecessarv, u persons, wishing to buy, will examine before doing so. 1 wish to sell at our September court, which will commence on the 3d Monday in September. The property is now leased, which will be out oil tht first of November next. JNO. FIN LEY. July 27th, 1848. 61 tSll. FALL TRANSPORTATION VIA'CAP FEAR RIVER. Steamboat Company's Lice. THE Steamers, Henrietta and Evergreen, hav ing been thoroughly repaired, are now ready to car ry Freight up and down the River with despatch. Thankful for former, we solicit a eontitinance of pat ronage. This Line will carry Freight and forward as low as any on the Line, r i)AJNlt:L. JUHMSUIV, Agent -' Henrietta Steamboat Ca. Fay ettevi lie, August 1. l v l 62 w4r If OTICJS TO SHiPPCRS B Y HENRIETTA STEAMBOAT COMPANY TTOHN H. If ALDIiaving sold h interest in Qj) this Company, has notbingto do whb this Ajeo cy at Wilmington or Fayetteville, either iudivWaal ly, or as surviving paitaer of Halt & Johnson. Ship pers designing tbeir Goods to the Care of our Compa ny, will please fill up their Bills Lading and mark their packages, care Agent 'Henrietta Steamboat Company, Wilmington and Fayetterille. All Let ters addressed as above, wilt Jiave prompt attention. ; DANIEL JOHNSON, Agent. August 1. .." ' ; : 62w4tr $25: Reward, TP AXAWAV from the Subscriber, on the 24th ItQ, day of June last, a negro man named BILL, very dark complexion, and stout built, between thir ty and forty years oldV -The said nero wa bam and raised In Sampson County, and since ba been living in Lenoir CoontJ, the property of John n' gram.' I porchSsedtiim at said Ingram's tile, and he has been in ihy possession in Green CoontJ for tbe last five or six years.' Tbe above reward wilf be ? given to any pen' who will deliver the said negro to the subscribe ot confine him in jail so that I get him agam. vTv- f: . t -JAMES B. PltlDGl rZ SnowHiir; Atogoat -IQ. . '." 64 6 " ii. . . Uite of Worth CroIiiia.-BoSco)K Cart enn. n.M r !.. SDnuff lermi 1848.- Ehza Whiter PeUtkm for Divorce. WW iuikih fllUW. Jl .-J cannot be Cjond; and proclamation having heenpo lidy made at the door of the Court House tot th fendaat to appear and answer as eomraanded oy w Mbpoena : ; Therefore ordered by Court, that po," Uoa be made in the Ilighlaad Messnger. P?e at AsheviMo, ansl the lUIeigb Register, rbe?: Haleigh, toihresfroonlbs roquiring ol defBfl tobotnd appear at the next Term of this Court t bold at the Court House in Ashetille, on the 2d day after the 4lh Mnday I-Soptember next, or id jodgmeut will bm tabeaagaKMt him pro eeofesso, as tbo petition heard. art ' Wrtnosa; J. II. Colemair, Clerk of ear 'W.P. t ofiroo, the 2d Monday alter the 4th MDdaJ ,u March, A. D. 1848. , ir. ' . . J.H. COLEMAN, CFk- July 13, 1848- " Pr's. fee 6 62 & w near, uau, Jotum ano
The Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Aug. 26, 1848, edition 1
2
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