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. PUBLISHED WEEKLY. BY XVIliIilAITI W. DOIiDEIV, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.: THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION OF THE STATES--THEY "MUST BE PRESERVED." VftT.ttKIP "V XTT1TTT . Tjums-S3 pek AivreiJia, ;- ItAl12IGEI, IV. C., AVEDiFDAV, OVEIIBEII IS) 1843. PAYABLE I ADVANCE TERMS. THE NORTH CAROLINA STANDARD IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY, AT THREE DOXLAH.3 FEB. ANNUM, IN ADVANCE. , Those persons who remit by Mail (postage paid) Five Dollars, will be entitled to a receipt for Six Dollars, or two years' subscription to the Standard one copy two years, or two copies one year. ; for four copies, : . t i I "ten " . : 5 : : $10 00 . 29 00 33.00 j The same rate for six months. fcj-Any person procuring and forwarding five subscribers, with the cash ($15), will be entitled to the Standard one yer free of charge. ADVEHTisEMENTsrnot exceed in gmrfen lines, will be inserted one time for One Dollar, and twenty-five dents for each subsequent insertion ; those of greater length, in proportion. Court Orders and Judicial Ad vertisements will be charged twenty-five per . cent higher than the above rata. A deduction of 33 1-3 per cent, will be made to those who advertise by the year. GCJ- If the number of insertions be sot marked on them, they will be Continued until ordered out Letters to the Editor must come free of postage or they may not be attended to. PQETltV. . THE PRISONER FOR DEBT, BT JOHN O. WHITTIER. Look on him through his dungeon-grate. Feebly and cold, the morning light Comes stealing round Jiim, dim and late, As if it loathed the sight. Reclining on his strawy bed, HU hand upholds his drooping head His bloodless cheek is seam'd and. hard, Unshorn his grey, neglected beard j And o'er his bony fingers ffowV-i : . His long, dishevell'd locks of snow No grateful fire before him glows And yet the wintei's breath is chill : And o'er his naif-clad person goes The frequent ague-thrill ! Silent save ever and anon, A sound, half-murmur and half-groan, Forces apart the painful giip Of the old sufferer'!! bfarded !ip : O, sad and crushing is the fate Of old age chain'd and desolate ! Just God! why lies thai old man there 1 A murderer shares hisprisonhed, Whose eyeballs, through his horrid naif, Gleam on him fierce and red ; And ihe rude oath and -heartless jeer Fall ever on his loathing ear, And, or in wakefulness or sleep, Nerve, fiVsh, and fibre thrill and Creep, Whene'er I hat ruffian's tosin limb, Crimsou'd with murder, touches him! What has the gray-hair'd prisoner done 1 Has inuider stain'd his hand with gore? Nut so : his crime's a fouler one God made the ohl man poor t For this he shares a felon's cell The fittest earthly type of hell I For this tht boon for which he pour'd His young blood on the invader's sword, And counted light the fearful cost Hi bloodgainM liberty is lost ! And so, for sueh a place of rest, Old prisoner, porfd thy blood as rain On Concord's field, and Bunker's crest, And Saratoga's plain? Look forth, thou man of many scars, Through thy dim dungeon's iron barsl It must be joy, in sooth, to see . Von monument uprearM to thee Piled granite and a prison-ceH-j ? u The land repays thy service Wellf. " And fiing" the starry banner out ; . Shoul "Freedom f '""Till your lisping ones Give back their eradle shout i Let boasted eloquence declaim Of honor, liberty, and fame j Still let the poet's strain be heard, With "glory" for each second word, And every thing with breath agree To praise " our glorious liberty." And when the patriot csnnonjars 'That prison's cold and gloomy wall, And through its grates the stripes and stars Rise on the wind, and fall Think ye that prisoner's aged ear Rejoices in the geneia) cheer ? Think ye his dim and failing: eye Is kindled at your pageantry ? Sonowing of soul, and chain'd of limb, What is your carnival to him? Down with the law that binds thus ! Unworthy freemen, let it find No refuge from the withering curse Of God and human kind t Open the prison's living tomb, And nsher from its brooding gloom The victims of yoor savage code, To the free sun and air of God ! Nor longer dare as crime to brand The chastening of the Almighty's hand ! Bunker Hill Monument OLD LAND MARKS. The whigs say they intend to cling to the old land marks. We happen to have some of these "old land marks" in view at this time, and lay them before the reader, that he may refresh his memory upon the subject. We hope they will bear in mind these "land marks," and not lose sight of them when the time comes for thern to approve or disapprove of them, Hamilton said: ul hare well examined the subject, and am well convinced that no amend ments to the articles of confederation can answer purposes of good government, so long as State Governments exist" " Gie ear no longer to the syren ong of de mocracy it is a cursed delusion." H. G. Otis. "All public communities ought to be divided into the few and the many. The first to consist of the rich and well oom--the latter ' of common mechanics and farmers." i Adams. As well might a blacksmith attempt to mend a watch, as a farmer to legislate. With his huge paws upon the statute book, what Can he do V Boston Courier '1R2R. ' If the appeals to the reason of the oooDle will not prevail, money can and will be used, and that will obtain votes when aJI other means are found abortive." New York Commercial Advertiser, From th Charlottesville (Va.) Jef. Republican. LETTER FROM MR. GILMER. August, 1843. Dear :The candid Spirit in which voUr inquiries are submitted induces me to reply to mem, not so mucn in compliance with your de sire that I should vindicate mysilf, as to furnish you with a brief outline of some important inci dents connected with- the origin and progress of political parties in lhp United States. My own course or opinions, are of too little consequence to afford much -interest either to partial friends or relentless opponents. I desire no other vindication of my humble agency in pubHc affairs, than will be perceived by every unprejudiced mind by re ference to certain cardinal principles, which I have endeavored to follow as ray guides under all circum stances. These I have not been willing to abandon for the advancement of any party or any man, not even ray own. In their application, or on minor points of mere expediency, I have been always ready to concede and conciliate for the purpose of harmonious and efficient co-operation" with those whom I believed to be united by devotion to some great principle. As to men in office, or when candidates for office, I have long since learned that.of all guides they are most fallacious, ns their mere promotion is an object the least worthy of party combination. The general forms of our government like our population came originally from Europe. The events which preceded and followed the Ameri can revolution have not yet entirely eradicated those mistaken ideas of the objects, duties and powers of government which have always pre vailed in Europe, and which, to a greater or less extent, have had their influence in th'e United State. The fatal error of mankind fan error which history and experience have hitherto failed to correct is in ascribing omnipotence to govern ment; in usurping not only the rights and ditties of the people out arso the authority and infallibili ty of God. The system of governing dti gratia or without the will of the governed, is maintain ed under the pretext of apprehended annrchy. while history proves that despotism under its va rious forms lias been and must be the nearest road to anarchy. The true source of this disposition constantly to augment the powers of government and multiply the objects of their application, is dis trust of the capacity of men in the aggregate to govern themselves. An most governments this U is trust on the part of those who claim to govern hns . ,.. . . , , .11 i hern too rcnd4y acquiesced in and henre the Ie-; jr.t.mnto powers of government have been 9dom applied io sirengmcn mc popur resources w , parly assutI)ed lhe name cf Democratic Rp jbli-self-ffovernmrnL - can party by way of contrast, 1 suppose, to Na- T here were many ,n the cnventwn which fram- j rfepaiciIi Thr Democratic Republi cs our vvonsiiuuion ww irora uisuust u W ; pie attempted to jnalce the federal government in form as well as substance a monarchy, without the hereditary feature. This design being defeat edy the gaverrimertt was no sooner organized un der the Constitution than the struggle was renew ed, and a strong government attempted to be es tablished by construction. It was urgpd that pow ers which had been expressly negatived by the convention were to be implied and exercised as "necessary and proper," notwithstanding the ex plicit declaration that all powers not granted were Tf served to the States or to the people. The fed eral and republican parties of that day, and ever since? when they divided on their respective prin ciples, have differed as to the extent of powers and discretion to be assumed by the several depart ments under the Constitution. The federal party, whose leader had advocated the British model in convention, soon manifested its peculiar views of government, not only by its measures of domestic policy, but in its sympathies with the crowned heads of Europe who combined to maintain the principle ot royal legitimacy against revolutiona ry France. For some time after the adoption of the Constitution by the States, public opinkmnvas unsettled in reference to the numerous foreign and domestic quesiions which arose. The old federal and republican parties nnally joined the issue before the country in the memora ble contest between John Adams and 1 homas Jef ferson. These parties were not then known as the Jefferson or the Adams party, but were distin guished by their opposite views of government, and they recognized these men only ns the expo nents of their respective principles. These prin ciples Wefe c'orrrpreherrsive, embracing on both sides the whole circle of government, all its de- mrtmejits, and involving the general question of limiting the agency of the people by extending the powers of government. They had reference not only to the measures or mat cray, out to tnose of every age, involving the great qfncstiofl whether the people shall govern of be governed. The ad vocates of too much govern ment relied then on some of the expedients which they urge now. The alien aad sedition acts, &c., Were only appli cations of the federal principle to obecls different from those to which the same "principle has been since applied, and would be applied again. The principle of a national bank was in issOe in the Contest of 1800. It was earnestly remonstrated mramst in the celebrated report of 1799, written Kir Mr Madison, as belonging to. that class of powers the exercise of which by the federal gov ernment ft was maintained, would prove danger ous to the people and the States. It was altemp ed then as it is now to sustain this particular meas ure on the : authority of Gen. Washington. I have never been able to contemplate Gen. Wash ington as a party man. His fame rises above par ty as the eagle- soars above the mist "While the authority of'no rrfan should be recognized in a re public as precluding inquiry into its soundness, I have never believed that the judgment of General Washington or of Mr. Madison approved the prin involved in chartering a national bank. Jt is now known that at Gen. Washington's request Mr. Madison prepared a veto of the first bank bill. That bill was ultimately signed more in deferenee to the solicitude of Hamilton and others, than from his own convictions, by the father of his country. Mr. Hamilton had previously, without authority, commenced the system of receiving con yertible paper instead of specie, under the act of 1789, a responsibility of incalculable weight when we reflect on the consequences which have since been felt both by our government and individuals The financial condition of the country4 in 1791 was in extreme embarrassment from the debt of the revolution, as it was in 1816, from the debt of the last war. Mr. Madison not only wrote a veto of the first bank at the request of Gen. Washirig ton, and denounced the principle which it involved in his report of 99, which, was regarded as the declaration of rights by the republican party in Mr. Jefferson s election and ever since, but he sub sequently, as President, vetoed a bank bill. He signed another, it is true, as had been done in 1791, when the public mind intimidated by the embarrassed condition of the country and the gov- ernment imparted its panic alike to the wise and the brave. In both instances, as often happens, a symptom of disease was mistaken for remedy. There can be no mistake as to the general prin ciples which characterized the federal and republi can parties on their first formation, or as to the signal results which 'followed the memprable re publican triumph of 1800. Notwithstanding the severe tests to which oiir institutions were so fre quently exposed by our foreign and domestic re- ations, by. the aggressions of k ranee ana Jng and on our maritime rights, by the embargo, the war, the loss of our commerce and the accumula tion of a large public debt, notwithstanding the violent death 6pasms with which the federal party continued to struggle againgt the government doY in inese periods, inree succescsiire repumituu Presidents were elected, and the country enjoyed comparative political renose until near the termina tion of Mr. Monroe's administration. The feder al party resisted all attempts at retaliation or de- it-ucp, arm unauy resisted me war wnu jiiiigiunu. They were overwhelmed by public indignation, and at the close of Mr. Monroe's administration no such thing as a federal party under that name existed in the country. The principles of that party remained, but tney have ever since been urged under some other name. Mr. Adams, jr. (who had been among the first to abandon the Federal party, eo noviine, after the election of Mr. Jefferson, under the pretext that the party of his father meditated a dissolution of the Union, and who in later limes has presented to Congress a petition for the dissolution of the same Union,) General Jackson, Mr. Crawford, Mr. Cal houn, and Mfi Clav were candidates tor the Pre sidency to succeed Mr. Monroe. The old Fed eral party notf assumed the name of National Republicans, and Mr. Adams received their gen eral support. There was no election by the peo ple, and he was elected by the hocus pocus of the House, of Representatives. Mr Clay, through whose agency Mr. Adams had betn elected in the House, was installed as his Secretary of State, an office which, after the example -of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, was supposed to be in the "line of safe precedents!" Mr. Clay, between whom and Mr. Adams no very cordial relations had hitherto existed, now became thoroughly identified with the National Republican party. He and his friends sustained the re-election of Mr. xvaii i 1U6U, nunc vjiiuciui viivncuii nw . those hirtl t(rW r. Cra fordYor Mr. Calhoun in 18-24. The republic Adams in 1828, while General Jackson wafctlect- v- ican ran and Natinr.nl Rpnohlimn' mrties were nrrav- ed distinctly against each - other m the contest 01 1823, between Jackson and Adams. Mr. Adams was defeated as the National Republican candi date. Mr. Clay became the candid itc of that par ty in 1832, and was most signal ly dJoated by the re-efection of Gen. Jackson. Soon after the reelection, in 1832, of Gen. Jack son, his proclamation was issued, containing doc trines which were unsatisfactory to most of his friends, as well those who disapproved as those who approved the course of South Carolina with regard to the tariff act doctrines which cie ap plauded by the National Republicans, and after wards explained by the authority of Gen. Jackson himself. In 1833 the deposited were removed from the United States J3ank, where they had been placed by the act chartering the Bank in 1816. This was done by the Executive under circumstances which induced a large numbej of those who had supported General Jackson in 1 828 and in 1 832 to condemn the act 1 was one of that number, and as a member of the Virgina Legislature, I offered a resolution declaring that : no direct or implied sanction was intended favora ble to a JJnited States Bank by the condemnation of the order removing the deposites. The Na tional Republicans condemned it als- because it was a blow aimed al the Bank. They knew then as they know nov, that in their advocacy of ihe Bank or a Bank, there was no concurrence what ever between themselves and that portion of the Jackson party which united with them in con demning the powers claimed by the Executive in the removal of the deposibes. Their .object was then, as it is now, to obtain a National Bank. Ninety-nine hundredths of the Jackson party who condemned "the removal of the deposites were then opposed to the constitutionality and expediency of a National Bank. There was, if .possible, still less concurrence between the Jackson men who condemned the removal of the deposites and the National Repoblfcans in regard to the tariff That portion of the Jackson party who condemn ed this Executive act were generally the most ul tra anti-tariff men, - . Under these circumstances in 1834 the whig party was formed. 'It could not have been organ ized then, nor could it have acted harmoniously on any one of the present political issues at any moment from 1834 to 1841. If the bank ot the tariff or Mr. Clay's election had been urged as a party measure by the Whigs, that portion of them who had belonged to the Jackson party would have co-operated with the democratic party, with whom they agreed and with whom they had act ed on these questions and against Mr. Clay. The name of national republican was dropped and that of whig was assumed, to indicate not only the points of agreement, but also the points of disa greement among the elements of the Whig party. The removal of the deposites was the first point of agreement or co-operation. . It was followed by the protest, which grew out of it. The ex punge followed and was likewise connected wkh tbe removal of the deposites. It was urged that the power of appointing and removing: public of ficers (also an executive power) was abused. Executive abuses and executive reforms therefore were the only party issues trrged by the Whigs before the people. It was denied most emphatic ally and authoritatively that the Whig party was a bank, a tariff or a Clay party. In 1836, Judge White was the Whig candi date for President Gen. Harrison s . name was associated with his, but that portion of the whig party who had been Jackson men, with very few exceptions, then refused, to vote for Ha-rHson, from the apprehension that he was a national republi- can. The same objection would then nave appli ed with still, greater force to Mr. Clay. ' ' ; In 1837, there was a general suspension of the banks and the proposition was made under Mr. Van Buren s administration to separate the, Trea sury entirely from ' the banks, State and Federal. It was opposed by all the advocates of a National Bank and at first by many of its opponents, under the hope that some system could be devised with the Co-operation of the State Banks, to avoid the charter of a United States Bank and the adoption- of the Independent Treasury. It was feared by some that a Government Bank would result from the plan of divorce as proposed by others, that the influence of the Federal Government would be brought to bear injuriously on State institutions. The National Bank had failed to obtain a renew al of its charter from Congress, and to cover its unsound condition, had procured one from the Le gislature of Pennsylvania. The suspension was soon followed by a general failure of the banking system, and the most startling frauds were expos ed. The Banks, many of them unable to meet their own engagements, were all too much em barrassed to afford any relief to the embarrass mentsof others to which tfiey had contributed so mucL Public confidence in the system was ex tensively imoaired. and few could be found wil- ing.to invest money under National or totate charters. The Whig National Convention assembled at Harrisburgin 1839. That convention refused to nominate Mr. Clay General Harrison was no- mmated ; he was proclaimed, canvassed and voted or in many St tesM)articuIarly Virginia, as a Jef- fersonian Republican, as an anti-Bank man and scrupulously in favor of the Compromise act. He and his friends were pledged to investigate and rev orm the Executive abuses ot the (jrovernment, while it was denied that they or he sought to e s tablish a National Bank or enact a Protective Ta riff The 27th Congress e was composed of a commanding majority of Whigs in both Houses. It met in extra session, Under Ueneral Harrison s proclamation, and was convened to supply ways andTmeans for the Government. The executive unctions had devolved, after General Harrisonis death, ou Mr. Tyler, who had been nominated and elected Vice President under the same pledges. If there was any difference between hi3 position and that of General Harrison, it was that Mr. Ty- er war known to be more steadfastly opposed to the leading measures which were subsequently pressed by the Whig party, and some ot wpicn met his decisive veto. In reference to all legis- ative questions then the'Whig parly professed De- moQratic principles before ihejL'lection. The country had a right to expect after all this that some measures would havebeen adopted to detect, expose, and correct the excessive abuses which had been so loudly complained of it is true thai the removal of deposites, the expunge, the protest, &c had shice ceased to be prac tical questions, and nothing could be done in r& ference to. them in 1841. What did' the Whig party propose to do? To charter a National Bunk to repgal the Compromise act to tnact a high and unequal protective tariff to distribute the pro ceeds of the public lands .at a time whia the Trea sury was empty, and when the Government was compelled to resort to loans and Treasury notes to defray its ordinary expenses to enarA a Bankrupt law to vote gratuities from the Treasury-id in dividuals as well us the States, and to impeach their own President The only measure of Exe cutive reform which I recollect as meeting the general approbation of the Whig party was the proposition to abolish the veto power from the Constitution, and this was urged as an afterthought because that power was used to prevent the charter of the Bank, by one who, like themselves, stood pledged to the country against a Bank. Soon after the commencement of the extra ses sion a select committee was appointed, on my mo tion, to investigate" the various departments of the Government, tornquire whether the expenditures of Government could be reducedthc patronage of the Executive diminished, and to report such mea sures of reform as our examinations might suggest After making as thorough an examination of the departments at Washington, and of other branch- es 01 the puDiic service as our umei uumo uu:u permit, it was recommended to abolish the frank ing privilege, to regulate and reduce the mileage, to reduce the expenditures, to abolish certain il legal usages and many useless offices in the De partments, to institute a new system for the exami nation and appointment of clerks and other officers in the Departments, to require a more detailed and rigid statement oP 'expenditures; to institute a more responsible system of accounts, and to re quire the President to report to the Senate the rea sons for every removal from office, &c. && - The journals and the events of the 27th Con gress will explain why these measures were nev er acted on. Leading members of the majority objected even to the printing of an extra number of the various reports from the retrenchment com mittee. The events of the last-ten years will ex plain why it was attempted by the Whig party to do those things, which, as a party, they were pledged not to do.-and to leave undone the only things which, as a party, they were pledged to do. The- national republican party was in a small mi nority in 1832, with Mr. Clay its candidate for President, as it was in 1828, with Mr. Adams. Neither its leading measures nor its leading men could receive lhe support of the democratic por tion of the Whig party, in 1836, or in 180. Mr. Clay who had been beaten in 1824 and in 1832, was not proposed inv-1835, and he was rejected in 1839, as the whig candidate. The clamor f :r ex ecutive reform and for a strict construction of the Constitution as to the executive powers, was used to decbythe old republicans into the support of national republican or federal men and measures. The nower ot association; very great, and we see how many of the old republicans have been brought by degrees to acquiesce or to approve federal principles. " Butfewf very few of the dem ocratic renublican nartv whaonoosed the remov al of the deposites. could have been persuaded in 1834, that, in 1843 they would have sustained the whig measures of the 27th Congress, or any candi date for the Presidency on the issues now proclaim ed by the whig party. Yet marry seem to have made un their minds for such a revolution. The bank was the favorite measure of the whig party after the election' of f 840, thotfgh that-party up to that time so studiously, evaded it It was calculated to hasten the action of Congress on this and other subjects by means of the extra session,.' and whb a charter for twenty years, with the prejudices re sulting from the last Presidential canvass, the. patronage ot the government, and other means which accident might supply, to prepare the pub lic, mma 10c me metamorphosis of the Whig party into a national republican party by 1844. v hat is theposition of parties now ? If we test them, by their personal preferences as to the presidential candidates, they will present again, as they did in 1840, a contused mass of partialities and prejudices, resulting from former party con- nicts, the spectacle of men vrnted and opposecTpro- miscuously without reference to their convictions as to the great, principles which must give prac tical eflect to government of prolonged and angry excitement without any adequate cause or distinct object, of a violent struggle which when it is over will have decided nothing for the country. The experience of ihe last three years ought io teach all men of all opinions that this is hot desirable. 1 he people have more interest in the measures of government man in ine men vm- now as ineir . . 1 . 1 . : 1 . .1 agents are to excite them. All "wiU'ogrce that something shall be settled by" the next election. That the policy of the government sriould be fixed in some direction. Confidence can ttevcf be per manently restored until the great issues now avow ed before the country are determined. What are they? No one will pretend that the removal of the depositesvthe protest or the expunge are now prac tical party issues. They never can be again un less another national bak is chartered. I "am aware of no permanent measure of executive re form except the abolition of the veto, now propos ed by the Whig party. Certainly none other was proposed by that party in the Last Congress, unless the proposition to divorce the Executive patronage from the politicaL press, while the legis lative patronage under their own control, was per mitted to remain, can be considered sUchy The political, issues, as every candid mind will perceive, are now distinctly joined in reference to the re venue and the currency as they will be affected by the legislation of Congress. There aie other questions, some of them important too, connected with both the legislative and-j. executive duties of the Government, but they cannot now be regarded practically asparty issues. It is not my purpose at present to discuss any of these questions of issues. My object is simply to state positions of parties heretofore and now in reference to what have been and are practical issues. It would be aaunrea sqnable, however, for a man, who is opposed to a National Bank of a Protective Tariff, to vote for a candidate or a party avowing those measures as leading object? because he disapproved of the re moval of the deposites, the protest, expunge, &c, as it would be for a Christian to turn Mahomedan because he opposed the measures "of the Pope which led to thejeformation. The bank question arises now under very dif ferent circumstances from ihose which existed wbm it was formerly iefore the country. Our experience" has taught us much, which, if We afe wise will be remembered. While no one advo cates the policy of government issuing permanent ly its own paper either to roan to individuals or to receive-it back ' as revenue, -"'it is cotifended that government, itself on agent, has the power arid if iKjuiiu-iu create a -corporation, 10 oecqmea partner in this corporation, to permit individuals to issue their paper in the shape of promises to pay mo ney, that government snail receive this paper, that these favored individuals shalhtje permitted also to keep the revenue when collected, to lend it t'o the people who paid it, and to lend the credit frf the government besides their own. It is contended moreover that government has authority and ought to exercise it to raise money by taxation for other" purposes than to pay its debts and defray its ex penses. Professions of economy in public expen diture and of relief to be afforded to individuals by law, have been loo often made to be longer heed ed, parties will be judged, as they should be, by the tendency of the measures they advocate, and the people can thus determine which will cost lhem least The distribution of the proceeds of the pub lic lands, when, there is no surplus in the treasu ry, is like assumption of the State debts, a policy which can only be favored by those who' regard taxation and public debt as blessings and will re sort to these or similar measures merely as pre texts for using the taxing power for individual or local benefit The best guaranty for economy and fidelity is furnished by those who maintain that the power of raising money is limited by the nature and objects of the federal government, and that when, raised, it shall be applied as public mo ney, only for the purposes specified in .the consti tution. Taxation and appropriation are certainly the most important powers employed by goverrr- ment, and they ought to be most narrowly watch ed by the people. The moneyed power (as it may be termed) or the power claimed for govern ment to control not only the contributions from the citizen to the treasury, but "also the proportions and distribution of wealth among individuals and classes, is the main spring of government It may give Jaw to the people aria form to the gov ernment to suit the caprice of those who' manage if It should be remembered too that Eecutive encroachments on tire rights of the people can on ly result under our system from legislative crn croachments, and by regulating the objects, duties and powers of government by the Constitution, Ve adopt the simplest and surest method of preventing executive abuses. Your friend &,c.-. THOMAS W, GILMER. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE. , That while the late whig Congress lavished their thousands of dollars upon a favorite press at Washington, voted a present of $25,000 to the widow of Gen. Harrison, and lined their own pockets with " yellow boys," to the tune of $8 a day, they refused to refund to General Jdckson the 81.000 firie niiposed by Judge Hall! ,A par- ty so hollow in 11s pretensions so destitute 01 patriotism, ot pniiamnropny, with a very oao grace appeals to the people -to Americans, to Irishmen, to sustain mem in sucn a niggardly course of legislation. There is more patriotism in a few ladies of New Orleans, who raiswf a part of the fine .imposed but never Was received by Gen. JaCkson, than in the whole universal whig party. The whig Congress generous sOuls, in stead of imitating so glorious an example of pay ing a -debt of gratitude a fine unjustly imposed -. to tbe venerable patriot and hero of New Urieans. have spent months and months in squandering the people s money, increased the expenditures of the nation more than $5,000,000, broken every pro mise made the people in 1840, increased the price of every thing the farmer . uses upon his farm, his axe, hoe, srjade, shovel, plough, drag-teeth, log- chains, &c, to enrich the eastern capitalists-rais-ed tbe price of every description of domestic goods, reduced me prices of produce, reduced th5 wages of labor, and saddled the people with a National Debt, which the whig party cohtf rids is a national blessing ! Tot content with sacrific ing everyjnterest of the commercial and product ing classes, they havefpw in view the adoption of two federal measurcaa United States Bank to rob the people and infuse Corruption into every branch i of our political government and the as sumption of the State debts' -to tat the honest yeo r let e : .1 r nr - , iiHiury ui nuruignu mr me payment 01 Mississippi Illinois, and other defaulting State bonds mvith these measures in operation we shall then htvfi coon-skih2-a-day-ahd-r6asl-beef-whigg?ry in all its beauty. - - ; ! " Genesee Btii. " Wamba. the sbii 06. Witless, the born thrall of Qdrie-the Saxon." Such was the inscrip tion engraved on the'collar of an English '.serf, in those early times when the few lorded it over th marry. Although the many were then hbrit thralls to feudal barons, it has; been reserved 'to the present day to witness the degrading spectacle" of a 'freeman becoming the voluntary slave of anoi Her, of resigning his inteliert. his Opinions and his judgment inid' arfother's Ifeeping, and actingas a mere conduit pipe, through which his master may convey his J views without resistance or obstruction. Mental servitude is more degrade ing than physical. Force may fiisten chainn a. freeman's limbs, but his mind cannot be enslaved save at nis own volition, vv had state of derrtf- dation caa be more disgusting and abhorreni than that of voluntary submission, it! ihb'ught nf well as deed, to the arbitrary will OF another.- The cringing, fawiiirrg Sycophant who, with the; privileges of a freernan, possesses the spirit of a slave and crouches at his master's feet, licking huhand rn sfckemng servility, deserves to b0' ckiverf from the society of men, aye, even from companionship with the negroes by whom he is surrounded. The labor of the hands may some- ' times be devoted to another's gain against one's" will, but the voluntary prostration of the gout to the ignoble condition of thinking' hi Obedience to nother's" behests, is indeed the lowest. cTcpth of hu man degradation. The Almighty never; mad man eiect, that he might commit his mind and conscience to tire keeping of a human' mafipf and although, irt Civine ProvidLTrS, tie may; i sorfTetimes forced to undergo physfcaf toil (of another's benefit, his intellect was never ihtenued to be so debased, under any circumstances. "The born thrall of the Saxon" might, in the days of feudal barbarism, wear the collar of Cerfric, but he, who now constantly follows' at hh master's heets, breaks forth irt exciamaliotr's of praisuaf every word he utters, sings', pearrs to' hisprafsiJ from' morning to night, prostitutes" his intellect to invent forms of'speeeff & Which to eulogize in discriminate! y his every act ahd serttirhtlif, and1 sa-f frrihVes friS right of nrivate judgment, his intel' ledtual and moral freedom, aftd air the nobler qualities of man', may bear a while' skin, but, it covers a mure degraded than negro soul. For all such befngs we have jno feelings but- those of loathing and disgust. Misfruti Reporttr. REDEMPTION Qtf. WHlC PROMISES; If was Che beatifNul remark of a Roman Corf suf that a -strikrtfg -similarity Was observable irt the method by.whxch federaf bankers and" federal politicians redeem their promises. The follow ing article from the ChilliCothe' Advertiser err urtferates some of the acts adopted by t'h'e federal party, at the extra session of 41, whiVh exhibit the sincerity of their Ihimor aberul "retrenchment and reform il . ' ' ' "One of the firsf aefs of tbe federalists at their" extra session commencing in May, 184 f , was to repeal the INDEPENDENT. fRE AS VllY LAW, and in so doing, they made a "UNION OF THE PURSE ANI SWORD," in thtf iiands of the Executive, giving him1 full power" over the public moneys, to place it where hd chooses, vithout restraint, and without having hi duties defined by Jaw'. . . ' After this the federalists, n imrVafiofl of thf British aristocracy voted away TWENTY FIVE 'THOUSAND DOLLAR&of the peo pie's money on one of the nvealthlest fa miles in this State, in- express vio&fi&r of the construction which guarantees an equality of the rights of alh An additional aprft'aPriaiion' f FIVE MIL. HONS AND FORTY. THREE THOl SAND DOLLARS was then made foT the ser vice of the year 1841, at the extra session nU though a plentiful provision had been- previous! made by a former Congress1, durittg their regular session. - ' . -. r After this an ADDITIONAL TA OF SIX MILLIONS wasirriposed on the ptople irt form of tariff duties. ? Then a loan of T WELVE MILLIONS' wa added to the burdens of the ppople.' And another debt of SIXTEEN MILLION would have been contracted for a NATIONAL BANK, but this was stopped by tho : President's VETO. ( .. : . . At their regular session, which coTfimenceaJa December, 1841. the Federal Congress authonif ed an ADDITIONAL LOAN OF. FIVE MILLIONS, which still increased the burden of the people. . ' . jj . Then .again" THlRTJifcM MltAvlUiN were added to the tax of the prtrple in form of a- tariff, without affording any benefit iothe govern ment. .-. .. r v V After this a third of a million" was voted to the! State of Massachusetts for refusing any aid in the Fate war , . ... , Then the Federalists brought iti a call to paY the heirs of HULLi After this, thev REFUSED to pay back Gen era t J ACKSON'S FINE, f rrfpwsed on him by a federal judge, for saving the city of New Or leans. - . r from the Richmond CtitnplUf. tobacco-Eastern & western crops'. A gentleman residing in Charlotte frequently send fetters of interest to. the Norfolk editor. Thefollowing fromr the Norfolk Herald of Wed' nesday,- Will attract the notice of commercial meni . CXRiOTT, (Va.) Oct 15, J843f. . Gentfem'eft i . The present year has been a checf ured one .to the tobacco planter. The Winter was unfavorable and the- oat crop was diminished one half. In April we had otf James, and Dan, and Staunton, a most memorable fresh that seriously injured the growing crop of wheat; above the falls' of the rivers. ; Stilt the wheat crop turned out art average one through the State, although particular estates came off very badry. But what constitut ed the great and irreparable law of the year was
The Weekly Standard (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Nov. 15, 1843, edition 1
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