North Carolina Newspapers

    11 i!
Whole No,
Tarborough, (Edgecombe County, X. C.) Tuesday, January 17, 1833.
Vol. VIII No 22,
The "North-Carolina. Free Press,
Is published weekly, at 7vj Dollars
a::c! Fifty Cent per year, if paid in ad
vance or. Three Dollars, at the cxpira-
ii'm m mc year, for any period less
man a year, jwenty-nve Lents per
month. Subscribers are at liberty to dis
continue at any time, on piviim nr.tir.r
thereof and paying arrearsthose resi
ding ai a distance must invariably pay in
advance, or give a responsible reference
in this vicinity.
Advertisements. not pvrppHinn' lfi linps.
will be inserted at 50 cents the first in
sertion, and 25 cents each continuance.
Longer ones at tiiat rate for every 16
lines. Advertisements must be marked
the number of insertions required, or
they will .be continued until otherwise
oruerea. iJr'L.eiters auaresseu to the
Editor must be post paid, or they may
not be attended to.
"None so blind as he that will not see,"
o consistent as he who is not guilty of
a solecism. Sic Oiinor.
Mr. Editor: A wise man
ought not to be "much concern
ed" about "the most bungling,
nonsensical budget of jargon"
a "heterogeneous commingle-;
ment of contrarieties;" nor pro
nounce jargon to be oratory
notice what does not deserve
notice deny pride, and then
extol it; nor be too charitable
to believe me guilty, yet identify
me with "Garretson, it id oninc
genus." He wishes me to prove
what I have said. To prove
to explain: The toleration of
slavery does not prevent the
form of our Constitution from
being a happy one: (but, "Do
unto all men as you would they
should do unto you;") nor does
the violation of that Constitu
tion prevent its being a good
one. 5The present Tariff of
rlulics, the present system of
Internal Improvement, Corpo
rations of every description, Sec.
V III UlVUtU(lIIV. ...... v -"I" !
rit of the Constitution; quid vide.
Hi did not intend to deny the
seeing-man the exercise of his
thinking powers; but only wish
that XY, Z, the next time he
sees, would think also. 5 If.
pride is all that distinguishes1
man from brute, he must be a
brute also, alias, a devil. The
brutes may possess pride.
'The bounding steed you pompously be
stride, Shares with his Lord the pleasure and
the iridt:"Poie.
It ennobles man in the follow
ing manner:
Of all the causes which conspire to
Man's erring judgment, and misguide the
What the weak head with strongest bias
Is pride, the never-failing vice of fools."
"Pride is the master sin, and
first-bom of the devil." Butter
worth. "Let the proud be a
shamed. "David. "lie proud,
knowing nothing." Paul. Let
Us not confound pride with vir
tuous emulation, and heartfelt
benevolence. See Slew. Mor.
I did not intend any thing of
an incendiary character, nor do
I think it is such: therefore 1
cannot but view the censure of
X, Y, Z, as harsh and unjust.
If, however, my language was
so incautious as to justify such
a construction, I have commit
ted a fault. He acknowledges
slaves to be "fanatic incendia
ries," that they "prowl around
us at midnight, anxious to act
over again the massacres of St.
Domingo and Southampton."
Is this a desirable situation!
Yet that which suggests a rem
edy, is termed "ill-timed and
improper language." I am rea
dy to shoot any negro, white or
black, whom I may discover
moving or abetting designedly
an insurgency among our slaves.
If the slaves shall again assav
to do what X, Y, Z, believes or
intimates they are ready to do,
I hope that, if least, I shall not
be last, in hastening to subdue
them. One or two more at
tempts at insurrection, and I am
ready to begin the work of ex
termination. Meanwhile I sub
scribe myself, VIDEO.
Note. X, Y, Z, will please
correct his orthography in the
word, abbcttor and then ask
me to parse for him. V.
On referring to the manuscript of
X, Y, Z, we find that this word is
spelt correctly, abettor consequcnt
y the Printer's Devil must be sad
dled with this blunder. Editor.'
From the Banner of the Constitution.
The Annual Report of the
Secretary of the Treasury will
be found in our papor of this
day. From it we learn that the
Public Debt of the U. States
will be, on the 2d day of Janua
ry, 1832, $24,322,235 18. We
also learn that the Government
will be in possession of availa
ble funds to discharge the whole
of this debt, if it thinks proper,
on or before the 3d of March,
In anticipation of this event,
so desirable to the true friends
of American industry, the Sec
retary recommends a reduction
of the duties upon imported
commodities, to such an extent
as will bring down the revenue
to the annual sum of fifteen
millions of dollars, tliciiiount
at which he estimates the future
expenses of the Government.
Vc regret, however, to observe,
that the mode in which the Se
cretary recommends the reduc
tion to be made, is not such as
can meet the views of the sound
political economists of the coun
iry. Instead of assuming the
broad and liberal ground taken
by the President that is, an
immediate reduction, which
should operate in favor of "all
our national interests," he is
willing to show special favor to
the very monopolists whose
privileges constitute nine-tenths
of the grievances which have
brought the nation to its present
crisis. Ilk? language is thi:
"The propriety of reasonably
protecting the domestic indus
try is fully conceded." The
objects more particularly requi
ring the aid of the existing du
ties, upon the principles of this
Report, are believed to be wool,
woollens, cotton, iron, hemp,
and sugar, as , comprehending
those articles in which the ag
ricultural and manufacturing
industry are more particularly
interested." Now when we take
these sentiments in connection
with the assertion that "it is
deemed to be comparatively un
important whether it the duty
be collected from many or from
few articles of importation," we
are forced to conclude that the
Secretary would be willing to
collect the whole of the revenue,
for some years to come, from
these few articles, if their pro
hibitory character would allow
them to produce a sufficient
sum. And here wc will take
occasion to express our dissent
from the opinion expressed in
these words: "Happily for the
U. States, the sum to which it
is now proposed to limit the re
venue, is not likely, to be op
pressive on any class, even ac
cording to the present numbers
of the American population."
Oppression is a relative term,
having reference to the princi
ple upon which a burden is im
posed. A tax of two dollars a
head upon the people, for the
support of Government in the
discharge of its legitimate func
tions, would not be oppressive;
but a tax of six-pence, if une
qually and wrongfully imposed,
not for the support of Govern
ment, but for the advancement
of one particular interest, at the
expense of all other interests,
would be oppressive. If, then,
the mode of taxation recom
mended by the Secretary par
take of the character we have
described, it is oppressive.
Now what are the factdl
The duty on wool is an une
qual tax, because it is not impo
sed in proportion to thci value
of the article. The duty on the
coarsest quality pays the high
est duty, and. as those who
wear the coarsest clothes are
the poor and working classes,
it falls more heavily upon them
than upon the wealthy.
The duly upon woollen cloths
is an unequal tax, as it is high
est upon tiic coarsest cloth, and
falls more heavily upon the
poor and working classes than
upon the rich. Indeed, the in
equality of its operation, as the
law now stands, is a crying sin
against this nation, and one
which every philanthropist, who
has a heart capable of feeling
for the sufferings of those who
are only half clad at this incle
ment season of the year, is
bound to raise up his hands a
gainst. The duty upon cottons is of
the same unequal character. It
falls upon the poor, precisely in
proportion to their inability to
pay. The most expensive mus
lins pay but. 25 per centum du
ty, whilst coarse calicoes pay
50 to 100 per centum.
The duty on iron is an une
qual tax, because it falls almost
entirely upon the working class
es and upon navigation. The
dutv on sheet iron, which is
78 40, falls heavily upon the
article of stoves and stove
pipes, which arc more used by
the poor than by the rich. It
also deprives of employment
many thousands of blacksmiths
and manufacturers of hardware,
who, on account of the high
duty, are prevented from main
taining a successful competition
with the foreign manufacturers.
The duty on hemp is an une
qual tax, inasmuch as it. ope
rates chiefly on ship-building.
It also deprives rope-makers of
employment, by driving ship
owners to foreign countries to
be rigged.
The duty on. sugar is an un
equal tax, for the same duty is
imposed upon the lowest quali
ty of Brazil sugar,that is impo
sed upon the finest quality of
St. Croix or Jamaica sugar, va
rying from 75 to 200 per centum
ad valorem.
Thus, then, it would appear
that every one of the articles
enumerated is characterizxd by
inequality in the duty; and, to
retain the duties upon them as
they now stand, even for a mo
ment after the present session
of Congress, .would, we con
ceive, be an act of injustice to
the great body of the people;
and, so far from occupying the
middle ground which a spirit of
compromise would call for,
would leave the whole of the
wrong, against which the friends
of Free Trade are protesting,
and against which we trust they
will never cease to protest, al
together unredressed. There
can be no termination put to
the present contest, we humbly
conceive, upon the principles
thus recommended. So far
from satisfying the just de
mands of the opponents of mo
nopoly, it would only tend to
confirm their opposition: for
they are too conscious of their
strength, armed as they are
with truth and justice, to yield a
point so destructive of the best
interests of the country. Had
it not been for the strong and
decided language of the Presi
dent, on this subject, it would
look as if there were almost an
identity of views between the
Administration and the Tariff
Convention of New-York. That
body says, in their Address,
"Let those who acknowledge
this great bond of union never
forget, that, 'united, we stand
and, divided, we fall;' that su
gar and iron, hemp and lead,
wool and cotton, and the other
productions of our diversified
soil, elaborated Ivy our own in
defatigable industry, and pro
tected by our own free Govern
ment, are, in effect, the Govern
ment that holds us together, and
make us one people." The
Secretary seems to be pretty
much of the same opinion, or he 'equivocal and mystified a style
would hardly have seconded, so ! that nobody can exactly tell
identically, the very monopolies ; what they mean.
so prominently put forth by.thel We honestly confess that we
Manufacturers' Convention. 'have been puzzled more than a
Now can it be believed, by any little to find out what were the
sensible man, if he will give the precise views of this Report,
subject a little reflection, that 'and, if we have erred in giving
- i r . i 1 j. t .!. .....; ... k . 1 1
five or six monopolies, of the
most odious character, and bea
ring most unequally upon the
laboring classes, shall, in this
free country, by a free people,
be permitted to stand out, in
bold relief, as an eye-sore to all
who have a regard for the eter
nal principles of justice, or ev
en for the "abstract doctrines
of political economy!" Wc
think not. So sure as any pre
tended compromise is forced
upon the Free Trade Parly,
founded upon an adherence to
the very monopolies deprecated
by them, so sure will the war
fare which has for three years
been carried on, with such ef
fect as to arrest the onward
march of the American System,
be continued, without relaxa-
tion, until the end be accom -
nlished of bringing back the!
Government to its legitimate
sphere of action.
But perhaps we do injustice
to the Secretary. Perhaps he
intends, as his business is to
recommend thewavs and means
for raising a revenue, that the
duties on the articles named by
him should also be reduced, as
i a o
a mode of increasing revenue.
There can be no doubt that an
abolition of the fraud called a
minimum, in the cotton and
woollen duties, bv which it was
intended to prevent the people
from knowing how much they
were taxed, would greatly in
crease the revenue. Tim same
result would foil ow from a re
duction of the duty on wool,
iron, hemp, and I sugar. The
duties on all these articles are
too near the point of prohibi
tion to produce the greatest
amount of revenue which a ju
dicious adjustment of the Tariff
is capable of producing; and, as
the Secretary's knowledge of
Finance must render him fami
liar with this matter, we are in
hopes that he has a considera
ble reduction in view, at some
early day, if not at present, up
on these very articles. Indeed,
there are detached parts of his
Report, which would seem to
imply that such may be his iu-
ilention. In one place ho says:
"Regarding, at the same time,
the diversity of interests result
ing from the peculiar situation
of the United States, the manu
facturing interest itssell should
be content with a moderate and
gradual protection, rather than,
by extreme measures, to endan
ger the public tranquility."
And again: "These duties could
not be materially changed at
present, without the effect al
ready deprecated. No objec
tion is perceived, however, to
such gradual reduction of them,
in future, as may withdraw the
aid thus afforded, as the growth
and stability of our rnanufac
tures will euable them to dis
pense with it." It would, how
ever, we think, have added to
the reputation of the Secretary
as a sound expositor of matters
of fiscal concern, had he divest
ed himself of the practice, so
common with our public men,
of expressing .opinions in so
them an interpretation, wc shall
be highly gratified. Had the
Secretary said that Congress
'ought, without delay, to abolish
the mmimums on cottons and
woollens, as one step now de
manded by a spirit of concilia
tion, it would have conveyed a
definite expression that any ono
might understand. As he has
not done this, and as he must
know that the existing duty on
coarse cottons, and on some
coarse woollens, is entirely pro
hibitory, we have found it diffi
cult to imagine how he expects
a revenue to be raised out of a
prohibitory law.
Upon the whole, wc are not
able to perceive any material
difference between the doctrines
of the Secretary and those at
present held by Mr. Clay; and,
should the friends of each unite
in such a modification of the
Tariff as will not be calculated
to meet the views of those who
Relieve that no system ought to
prevail which shall not consult
the benefit of "all our national
interests," wc think, without
the spirit of prophecy, that no
such modification can long
stand against the assaults which
will be made upon it.
OyCall rac cousin
sin me not.
-but con-

Page Text

This is the computer-generated OCR text representation of this newspaper page. It may be empty, if no text could be automatically recognized. This data is also available in Plain Text and XML formats.

Return to page view