Newspapers / The Daily Delta (New … / Dec. 15, 1856, edition 1 / Page 1
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- .V -A ! t . : i I' s nn 1 t f - I - 1 t J-'i 1 V v. J9 PUBLISHED BVEHY MONDAY, AT TWO DOLLAES PER ANNUM, IN ADVANCE "y 1 " j I i 1 - .... - '1 I. r di di AW bll A If et 1 VX)L.: 3 THE UNION. iTHOMAS RICHARDSON, j '. ' ' ! 1 e i it oja. pllBtlSHB &l PROPRIETOR. xkc Union will be pubUslied cyctj Men- in ad- t per Ruling, Office 6 doors abov the Post Office. ranee Advcrtiing litates : 1 square 1 insertion...... ... ;. :2 insertions. . ..... $ 1 ,00 ISO a oo TWEtVE i lines constituting a square. , ' jLrrmenUiwmbenWLdebytteyearorCmanths U rmanent advertisers, at the mwst poattBt. (atbs.' i I I atsr JOB PRINTING. TTaviinT ftnew and extensive assortment of Job Tm (aa pod as can be found in the State,) w. are prepared to exec WORK , withneatH(83 and despatch ; such as handbills, circu lars, cards. blinks, bctoks, pamphlets, etc., etc. i - :x - jjr AA : Communications intended for insertion in Thb Union, must bo accompa nied by the writer's name, and directed to tfie Editor, i I ; ' X ' -88T Airietters on business, must bt ad .dressed to the Proprietor. 0E OR GE ALLEN I DEALER IN FANCY & STAPLE DRY GOODS I fiOOTS. 8HOE3T & UA1TJSHU, tiAia, wbb r a; a. a W. HAMILTON, CLCK & WATCH MAKER. JL. 1 NEW-BERNE, N. C. "OULD respectfully inform the citizens Tof Newborn, that 'he has opened a room "twb door east of-the Tost Office, where he is pre yo. red fto carry on the above business m all its .br.mcliest Watcheis, Clocks and Jewelry neatly renairfid at short notice. l r7 Ail - one warranieu NEWBERN VARIETY STORE. THOMAS W. STYR0N, 4 WHOLKSALK RBTAILDBALBR IN" BRY GOODS, Wurfiitiire c&c. Three doers East of the A. & N. G. jiaic Jioaa jjepoi. C: a I IP RIM ROSE. Mi DIALBR IN f I . Staple and Fancy ' ; i NEWdSBN, X. O. j CHARLES C. CLARK, Attorney and Counsellor at Law. Offite on Ooad Street 2 doors below th i GOUR HOUSE. A M E S E. 1MET TS rTommvsgion Land Forwarding Merchant 1 - WTT.MINOTUW.JS. I ' - N . ' -L . Angust SOth.1854 C j- WILLIAM HAY, -House. Si? i and Ornamental . " pmws ass Mm mMim iivrJnTifi stufkt. iONSDOOE- BELOW THK TOST OKFICX IN VV 13Cril N. G. IMANUFATURER OF , Tin, Sheet Iron and Copper ware. Stves. ikiid Japaned Wares, . COBXSK Of SBOAU ASU MI1JLU6 Bin"' 't' One ddor South of the Court House, I H NEW2?ERN. N.a TaSXOB, Dickson, Graves & Co (Successor to Mates, Taylor & Uo.) Janufacturers and Wholesale Dea'ersin CLOTHING, 23 and 25 Dey Street, o NEW YORK. Clock ai Wtatcli Maker. - 1 ' -it - - ' ': iTT'PSl nnhafnrtlv tin hand, an cacellent as kWJfr.RV. f all kinds. " All wdrlc done at tne faortest kotic&and la a workman-like manner. T f H J. WHALEY :SiKU il TTf A. T n -4 VanrKavn iiir m M.VUJI. craven " May Both. 1853. I 5 - IGO LDBIi'ORO' female College. rTIrr E next geasion of this Institution wiil cm -i-Jmence ni the first Wednesday in Augrit, .1854. ' i . . Ample commodation8 are provided for a ny number, of young ladies. " ? For information, Catalosne, Ac, address ht resident of tiie Faculty, Bev. J. II.' BRENI. ! v f W. S. ANDRE V (1-L-, : l Xi "-i-t. -; '. ' ; vv NE WBERN, N BOARDING & BAY SCHOOL Nkwbeen, N. 0., XXIII Skssiok. WH H. MAYHEW, Principal ELIZABETH MAYHEW, Tkaohkk o, Frsujch amd Assistant. E. POLK, TxAcmcB or Mv&ic Tuition in English, per Session of fire months, (payable during,! r punc tually at the end of the session, $12.00 Tuition in English, board, washing, light and fuel, per Session of five months, m half payable in advance, and the other du ring or at the end of the Session, i 75.00 Instruction in Music, per Session, 20.00 Tuition in French, or the Latin Language, 6.00 The Session of 1 this. School will commence on the 1st day of October next. The terms for boarding,' Ac1, it will be Been, are somewhat increased or rather, the terms are re stored, to the same as they were formerly. The continued high prices of provisions, Ac, make this absolutely; necessary, in rder to save ourselves from loss. ' I It is earnestly recommended to those who design to attend the School, that they commence, if prac ticable, at the commencement: of the Session. Parentk or guardians who reside in the country, and who wish to send to this School, will find it decidedly advantageous to their children or wards, to place'them with th teachers to board, as we feel a greater degree of I responsibility for, and more interest in the improvement and the deport ment of such young ladies from a distance, as are placed wnder our immediate eharge. Pupils who enter the Scheel at or near the commencement o he session. Will be charged from the commence ment, to the close of the session. Those entering when the session, is somewhat advanced, will be charged from the time of entering to he close of the session, and mo allowance will be made for ab sence, except in casos of protracted siciness. N.whrn Aufniiti tOth. 11856. 40 im s the Clarendon IRON WORKS, WILMINGTON, N. C. Vanbokkelen, Proprietor. ' P'lIE eubscriber having purchased the entire X in the "CLARENDON IRON WORKS," so licits orders for Steam Engines, of any power or style, Saw Mills of every Variety, j Mining Manchinery and Pumps, Grist and Flour Jillls, complete, Parker, Turpentine and other Water Wheels, Rice field Pumps and Engines, I Leavitt's Corn and Cobb Crusher, Rice Thrashers, Shingle Jachines, . Shafting Hangers and Pullies, Cotton Gins and Gearing. i Iron Castings of all kinds and patterns, Brass " Locomotive and Tucular Boiler, Flue and plain Cylinder Boilers, Blacksmith work of all kinds, Iron Doors for Houses and Jails 1 THE ESTABLISHMENT. Having been re-ogDied for the express purpose oi insuring punctuality .of the execution of all or ders the public may rest satisfied that any work which may offer will be promptly delivered accor ding to promise, and of such worJcmansmp as can notjf ail to give satisfaction. sTIie Mechanical Department Being in charge of men of talents and experience I have no hesitation in saying that the work here, after turned out, shall compare favorably in eve ry respect with, that of the most celebrated in the .States and at prioes which will make it to the in terest of all in want to send n their orders. i REPAIR IF OR A", j Always done without delay and having a large Iforce for that purpose, it will prove advantageous to any person needing such to give me the prefer ence without regard to expense of sending same from a distance. OrWa will be addressed to "Clarendon Iron Works," Wilmington, N. C. A. H. VANBOKKELEN2 tf v Otober 81st, 1865. i That' delightful and refreshing Ap erient CITRATE OF MAGNESIA. For sae by F. S. DUFFY. Newbern. i NOTICE. To the Debtors and Creditors of John Frese, de'd. : THE subscriber having at the JutteTeim A. D. 1856, of the Court of Pleas and Quarter Ses sions of Craven County, taken letters of Adminis tration according to law on the Estate of Job iFbeze, dee'd, hereby gives notice to all Creditors of said Estate, to bring in their accounts and de mands of every kind and denomination duly au thenticated within the time limited by law for that purpose. Otherwise this notice will be plead in bar of recovery. ! LAND SALE 0 AT O A HO L IN A CITY. .ty Company propose to Oi' T. iha liiAliMt hiddflr. on Tnasda-r - .6w. , - Z. biie 25th day ot November next, at Uity, a limited 4 aumber oi eligible Lota in said city, immediately Beaufort Harbor. , It isv hardly necessary to call the attention o he Public to the importance of this sale. The proposed City is at the terminus of the Railroad roinGol. sborov via, Newbern to Beanfort Har ia th crand termini of the mternal Improvement system o 4 where a magnificent'eity must rapidly grow up ITic City company only propose to sell a limi ted number of Lots, to allow parties who ask a once to obtain foothold as opportunity to do bo ; another will not probably be given soon, Company has no desire to part with any eonaide able amount of the property Terms liberal and will be made known atsaie . . ! 4S ids. PAINTS, OILS, & COLOURS WINDOW GLASS, PUTTY, &c For sae by F. &. DUFFY, Newbern. O R T H CAKOLIN A, DEC., 1 THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. Fellovh Citizens of tke Senate and of the House of Representatives : The Constitution requires that the president shall, from time to time, not only recommend to the consideration of Congress such mea. suresas he may judge necessary and expedi ent, but also that lie shall give information to them of the state of the Union To do this fully involves exposition of all matters in the actual eondition of the couutry, domes tic or foreign, which essentially concern the general welfare. While performing his con stitutional duty in this respect, the President does not speak merely to express personal convictions, but as the executive minister of the government, enabled by his position, and called upon by his official obligations, to scan frith an impartial eye the interests of the whole, and of every part of the U. States; Of the condition of the domestic interests ot the Union, its agriculture, miner, manu factures, navigation and commerce,! it is ne cessary only to say that the ibternalj prosper ity of the country, its continuous and steady advancement in wealth and population, and in private as well as public well-being, attest the wisdom of our institutions, and the pre dominant spirit of intelligence and patriotism, which notwithstanding occasional irregulari ties of opinion or aqtion resulting from popu lar freedom, has distinguished and character ized the people of America. In lha brief interval between the iermiua tion of the last and the commencement of the present session of Congress, the public mind has been occupied with the care of se lecting, for another constitutional terra, the President and .Vice President of the United States. The determination of the persons, who are of right, or contingently, to preside over the administration of the government, is, under our system, committed to the States and the peeple. We appeal to them, by their voice pronounced in the forms of law, to call whom soever they will to the high post of Chief Ma gistrate. And thus it is that as the senators represent the respective States of the Union, and the members of the House of Representatives the several constituencies of each State', se the President represents the aggregate popula tion ot the U. States. Their election of .him is the explicit and solemn act of the! sole so veveign authority of the Union i It is impossible to misapprehend the great principles, which, by their recent political action, the-pcople of the U. States have sanc tioned and announced. They, hav asserted the constitutional equal ity of each and all of the States' of th!e Union as States ; they have affirmed the constitu tional equality of each and all of the! citizens of the United States as citizens, whatever their religion, wherever their birth, or their residence ; tuey nave maintained top invio lability of the constitutional rights! of the different sections of the Union ; and they have proclaimed their devoted and unaltera ble attachment to the Union and to the con stitution, as objects of interest superior to all subjects of local . or sectional controversy, as the safeguard of the rights of all, as the spirit and the essence of the liberty, peace and greatness of the Republic. In doing this, they have, at the same time, emphatically condemned the idea of organi zing in these U. States mere geographical parties ; of marshalling in hostile array 'to wards each other the different parts! of the country, North or South, East or West. Schemes of this nature; fraught with incal culable mischief, and which the cdnsiderate sense of the people has rejected, could have had countenance in no part of the cxmafry, had they not been disguised by suggestions plausible in appearance, acting uponj an ex cited state of the public mind, Induced by causes temporary in their chaiacter and it is to be hoped transient in their influence. Perfect liberty of association for political objects, and the widest scope of discussion, are the received and ordinary conditions of government in our country. Our institutions, framed in tho spirit of confidence in 'the in telligence and integrity of ihe people do not forbid citizens either individuallv or associa ted together, to attack by writing, speech, or any other methods short of physical force, the Constitution and the very existence of the Union. Under the shelter! of this great lib -erty, and protected by the laws and usages of the government they . assail associations have been formed, in some of the States, of indU viduals. who. oretendinff to seek onlvit'. vent the spread of the institution ' slavery into tne present or iumre choate States of the Union, are real 1 7 mflamed with desire to j c,nanire th domestic institutions of (existing States. To accomplish their objects, they dedicate themselves to the odious task of de preciating thegovermment organization which stands . in their way, and ! of calumniating, with indiscriminate invective, not only the citizens of particular States, with whose laws they find fault, but all others ot their tellow citizens throughout the eountry, who do not participate witn tnem in ineir assaults upon the Constitution, framed and adopted by oUr fathers, and claiming for the privileges it has secured, and the blessings jtt has conferred , the steady support and graceful reyerence of their children, lhey 6eeK an ooject wnicn they well know to be a revolutionary one. They are perfectly "aware that the change in the relative eondition of the white acid Mack races in the shareholding States, which' they would promote, is beyond thetr lawful au thority ; that to them it is a foreign object; that it cannot be effected! by any peaceful instrumentality of theirs; that for them, and tli e States of which thyj are cltuens,. me only path to its accomplishment is through burning cities, and ravaged; fields, and slaugh tered populations, and all there is most ter rible in foreign, complicated with civil and 1 servile war , and that the first step in the at- iemps is me iorcioie disruption of a countrv embracing in its broad bosom a degree of liberty, and an amount of in dividual "public prosperity, to which there is no parallel in history, and substituting in its place hostile governments, driven at once and inevitably into mutual devastation and fratricidal carn age, transforming the now peaceful and feli citous brotherhood into a vast permanent camp of armed men like the riyal monarchies of Europe and Asia. Well knowing that such, and such only, are the means and con sequences of their plans and purposes, they endeavor to prepare the people of the U. S. for civil war by doing everything in their power to deprive the Constitution and the laws of moral authority, and to undermine the fabric of the Union by appeals to passion and sectional prejudice, by indoctrinating its people with reciprocal hatred, and by educa ting them to stand face to face as enemies, rather than shoulder to shoulder as friends. It is by the agency of such unwarrantable interference, foreign and domestic, that the mind3 of many, otherwise good citizen? have been so inflamed into the passionate con demnation of the domestic institutions of the southern States, as at length to pass insensi bly to almost equally paisionate hostility to wards their fellow-citizens of those 8tates, and thus finally to fall into temporary fellow ship with the avowed and active enemies of the Constitution. Ardently attached to lib erty in the abstract, they do not stop to con sider practically how the objects they would attain can be accomplished, nor to reflect that, even if the evil were as great as they deem it, they have no remedy to apply, and that it can be only aggravated by their violence and unconstitutional action. A question, which is one of the most difficult of all the problems of social institution, political economy and statesmanship, they treat with unreasoning intemperance of thought and language. Ex tremes beget extremes. Violent attack from the North finds its inevitable consequence in the growth of a spirit of angry defiance at the South, Thus in the progress of events we had reached that consummation, which the voice of the people has now so pointedly rebuked of the attempt, of a portion of the States, by a sectional organization and move ment, to usurp the control of the government of tho U. States. I confidently believe that the great body of th oso who inconsiderately took this fatal step, are sincerely attached to the Constitu tion and tho Union. They would, upon de liberation, shrink with unaffected horror from any conscious act of disunion or civil war. But they have entered into a path which ieH3 nowhere unless it be to civil war and disunion, and which has no other possible outlet. They have proceeded thus far iu that direction in consequence of the succes sive stages of thoir progress having consisted of a series of secondary issues, each of which professed to bo confined within constitutional and peaceful limits, but which attempted in directly what few men were willing to do directly, that is, to act aggressively against the constitutional rights of nearly one half of the thirty .one States. In the long series of acts of indirect ag gression, the first was the strenuous agitation, by citizens of the Northern States, in Con gress and out of it, of the question of negro emancipation in the Southern States. The second step in this path of evil con sisted of acts of the people of the Northern States, and iu several instances, of their gov ernments, aimed to facilitate the escape of persons held to service in the Southern States, and to prevent their extradition when re claimed according to law and in virtue of express provisions of the Constitution. To promote this object, Iegislntive enactments anu ouuer means were auupteu to iaKO away or defeat rights, which the Constitution so lemnly guarantied. In order to nullify the then existing act of Congress concerning the extradition of fugitives from service, laws wre enacted in many States forbidding their officers, under the severest peualties, to par ticipate in the execution of any act of Con- gress whatever. In this way that system cf harmonious co-operation between the author ities of the U. States and of the several States, for the maintenance of their common institu tions which existed in the early years of the Republic, was destroyed ; conflicts of iiirisdic tion came to be frequent, and Coiip-r found itself compelled, for the Support of the Conv stitution and the vindhnon of its power, to authorize the Appointment of new officers Ciiarged wn the execution of its acts, as if J - A l- J iJ i 4 they and the officers ot the States were the ministers, res pebtively,of foreign governments in a state of mutual hostility rather than the fellow magistrates of a common country, peacefclly subsisting under the protection of one welUcohstituted Cfnion: Thus here,aIso, aggression was followed by reaction, and the attacks upon the Constitution at this point did but serve to raise up new barriers for its defence and security. The third stage of this unhappy sectional controversy was in connexion with the organs ization of territorial governments, and the admission of pew States int the Union.- When it was proposed to admit the State of Maine, by separation of territory from that of Massachusetts, and the State of Missouri, formed of a portion; of the territory ceded by France to the U. States, representatives In Congress objected to the admission of the latter, unless with conditions suited to par ticular views of public policy. The imposition of such a condition was successfully resisted But, at the same period, the question was presented of imposing restrictions upon the residue of the territory ceded by France. That tmestion was, for the time, disposed of limitation. In this connection it should not be forgoU ten that France, of her own accord, resolved, for considerations of the moat far-sighted 5, 1 8 5 6. sagacity,: to cede Louisiana to the U. States, and that accession was accepted by the U.S., the latter, expressly; engaging that 'the inhab itants of the ceded territory shall be incorpo tatedjin the Union" of the U. Stales, and ad mitted adj. soon as possible, according to the principle! of the Federal Constitution, to the enjojmcnt of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the U. States ; and ia'the meantime they shall be maintained and protected in'tbt free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they profess' that jis to say, while it remains in a territorial condition, its inhabitants are maintained and protected in the free enjoy ment of their liberty and" property, with a right theri to pass into the condition of States on a footing of perfect equality with the ori ginal State?. The enactment, which established the re strictive geograpkical lin, was acquiesced in rather than approved by the State of the Union. It stood on the statute-book, however, for a number of yeais ; and the people of the' respective Stated acquiesced in thg re-enact ment of the principle as applied to the State of Texas;! and it was proposed to acquiesce in its further application to the territory ac quired .bythe U. States from Mexico. But this proposition was successfully resisted bv the reprentaYives of the Northern States, who, regardless of the statute line, insisted upon applying restriction to the new territory generally! whether lying norlh or south of it, thereby repealing it as a legislative compro mise, and, on the part of the North, persis tently violating the compact, if compact there was. ; ; j Thereupon this enactment ceased to have v...v.U . , Mjr ocusb, wueiuer as res-. pects the North or the South ; and so in ef feet it was treated on the occasion of the ad mission oi the State of California, and the organization of the Territoriesof New Mexico, Utah and jWaahingtbn. ' Such was the state of this question, when the time arrived for the organization of tho Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. In the progress of constitutional inquiry and reflec tion, it had now at length coma to be seen clearly that Congress does not possess coh stitution al power to impose restrictions of this character upon any present or future State of the Union! In a lonor series of de cisions, on the fullest argument, and after the most deliberate consideration, the Supreme Court of-the U. States had finally determined this point, in every form under which the question could arisej whether as affecting pub lic or private rights in questions of the pub lic domain ot religion, ot navigation, and of servitude j The IseSreral states 'oT the Union are, by force of the constitution, co-equal in domes tic legislative power; Congress cannot change a Jaw ot pomestic (relation in the State of Maine souri. no more can it in the State of Mis Any statute , which proposes to do this is a mere nullity; it takes awar no right, it ooniers rjnone. it remains on the statute book unrepealed, itiremains there only as a monument of errorjand a beacon of warning to the legislator ancl the statesman. To re peal it will be only j to remove imperfection from the statutes, without affecting, either in the sense of permission or of prohibition, the action of the states, or of their citizens. Still, when the nominal restriction of this nature, already a dead letter in law, was in terms repealed by jthe last Congress, n a clause of the act organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, that repeal was made the occasidn of a wicle spread and dangerous agitation. It was alleged that the original enactment being a compact ofjperpetual mora! obliga tion, its repeal, constituted an odious breach . 01 iaitn. An act of Congress, while it remains un repealed, more especially if it be constitution ally valid fa the judgment of those public functionaries whose: duty it is to pronounce on thatpoipt, is undoubtedly binding on the conscience Jof each good citizen of the Repub lic. But ifi what spuse can it be assettod that the;, enactment in question was invested with perpetuity, aud entitled to the respect of a solemn compact ? Between whom was the compact ! No iiifinct contending pow ers of tbo government, no separate sections of tne Union, treating as such, entered into treaty stipulations on the subject0 It was a mere clause of an apt of Congress, and like any other controverted matter of legislation, receivedj its? final fehape, and-was passed by compromis of tne J conflicting opiuions or sentiments of the members of Congress. But if it had moral autbefrity over men's conscien ces, to whim did this authority attach ? Not to th0e of the $orth, who had repeat edly refused to confirm it by extension, and who had zealously striven to establish other and incompatible regulations upon the sub ject. And if, as It thus appears, the suppo- sea compact, naa no oongatory iorse as lo Urn JN0rth,:ot course it could not nave naa any as to the South, for all such compacts must be mutual and of reciprocal obliga tion. , 1! It has not un frequently happened that law- givers, wit undue estimation of the value of the law they gave, or in the view or impart ing to its pjeculiar strength, make it perpet ual in ternis ; but ttiey cannot thus bind the conscience! the judgment, and the will of those who tnay succeed them, invested with similar esonsibilities,and clothed with equal authority. H More careful in vestigatien may prove the law to be! unsound in principle.- Experience may show it to be imperfeet in detail and impracticable in execution. And then, bath ! reason' and riffht combine not merely to-iustifv, but to require its repeal. The constitatioq, supreme as it is over all the departments of the government, legisla tive, executive, and judicial, is open to a mendmentby its very terms; and Congress or the btates may, pose amendments in their, discretion, pro ,o it, solemn cempaq 41 though it in truth is States of the Union. between the sovereign la the nresenfc inttarw.r. apolitical enactment, which had ceased ta have legal powtr or authority of any kiud, was repealed. The position assumed, that Congress had no moral bright to enact such -repeal, was strange enough, and siugularly soin view of tue fact that the argument came from those who openly refused obedi ence to existing laws of the 1 md, having the ame popular designation and quality a com- promise acts nay, more, who unequivocally disregarded and condemned the most positive and obligatory injunctions of the Constitution itself, and sought, by every means within their reach, to deprive a portion -of their fellow-citizens of the equal enjoy ment of those rights and Triv:lejre.s VuarantiA.1 lib-A tr Y i - o . i all by the fundamental compact of our Union This argument against the "repeal oftha statute line in question, was accompanied by another of congenial character, and equal ly with the former destitute of foundation jia reason and truth. It was imputed that tlu measure originated in the conception of ox- -y tenin the limits of slave labor beyond thosia previously assigned to it, and that auch was its natural as well as intended effect, and . these baseless assumptions were made, -in the northern States, the ground of un ceasing assault upon constitutional righ. j The repeal in terms of a statute.which was already obsolete, and also null for unco uskiv tutionality,could have no influence to obstruct or to promote the propagation of conflicting views of political or foeial institution. When the act organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska was passed, the inherent effect upon that portion of the public domain thus opened to legal settlement, was to admit set tlers from all the States of the Union alike, each with his convictions, of'public policy and private interest, there to foun-1 in their discretion, subject to such limitations" risi the Constitution and acts of Congress mig'it'pre scribe, new States, hereafter to be admitted -into the Union. It wa a free field, open alike to all, whether the statute line of assu med restriction were repealed or not. That repeal did not open to free competition of the divtrse opinions htk! domestic institutions a field, which, without such repeal," would have been closed against them ; it found that field of competition already opened, in vfact and in law. All the repeal did was to relievu the 8tatute-bock of an objectionable enact ment, unconstitutional in eff-ct, and injurious in terms to a large portion of the States. Is it the fact, that, in all the unsettled res gions of the U. States, if emigration be: left free to act in this Wpect for itself, without legal prohibitions on either side, slavtlabor, will spontaneously go everywhere, m prefer ence to tree labor f j Is it the fact, that . tho peculiar domestic institutions of the southern States possess relatively so much of vigor, that, wherescever an avenue is freely open to all the world, they will penetrate to the ex clusion of those of the northern States ? U it the fact, that the former enjoy, compared with the latter, such irresistibly supeiior vi tality, independent of climate, soil, and all other accidental circrmstances as to be able to produce the supposed result, in spite' of the assumed moral and natural obstacle to its accomplishment apd of the more numer ous population of the northern States? Te argument of those, who advocate the enactment of the laws' of restriction, and con demn the repeal of old ones, in etieet avers -that their particular views of government have no eelf-exnding or selfjssustaining pow. er of their own, and will go owhere .unless forced by act ot Congress. And if Congress do but pause for a moment iii the policy of stern coercion; if it venture to try the ex periment of leaving men to judge fjr them selves what institutions will best suit tham, if it be not strained up to perpetual legislation exertion on this point; if Congress proceed thus to act in the very spirit of liberty, it is at once charged with aiming to extend slave labor' into all the new1 Teriitoiiea of the U. States. j , . Of coursoj these imputationston the inten tions of Congress in this respect, couceived as they were in prejudice, and dipemminated in passion, are utterly destitute of anvjustU fiofttiou in tho -nature 'of things, ftnd contra ry to all tue fundamental doctrines and prin4 ciples of civil libertv and self-government.' Wmlo therefore, in general,, iho'poopJe oi the tiorthern States have never,;! at any time, arrogated for the federal government tho pow ¬ er to interfere directly with the dometic con dition of persons in the southernl States, but on the contrary have disavowed all such in tentions, and have shrunk fiomr conspicuous affiliation with those few whoT)ersue their anatical obiects avowedlv tliroulfi the con- templated means of revolutionary change of i the government, and with acceptance oi tne necessary consequences a civil I and servile warMyet many citizens have iunered them selves to be drawn into one evanesoent politi cal issue of agitation after another, apper taining to the same fet of opinions, aad which subsided as rapidly, as they arose, when it came to be seen, as it uniformly djid, that they were incompatible withthe compacts of the Constitution aad the existence of the Union. Thus, when the acts of so'rn of the States to nullify the existing extradition law imposed upon Congress the duty of passing a new one, the country ! was mviieu oj agua tors to. enter into party organization for its repeal; but that agitation speedily ceased by reason Qt-the impracticability oi lis oujeci. So, when tbe statute restriction Upon the in stitutions of new States, by a geographical line, had been repealed, the country was ur ged to demand it restoration, and that proa ject also died almost with its birth. Then followed the cry f alarm Irom tne norm a gainst imputed southern encroachment; which cry sprang in reality from the tplritef xevo. lutionary attack on the domestic institutions of the South, and, after a troubled existence of a few months, has beea lebukqd by tho voice of a patriotic people. y NO, nly ilth)iif ir0t f "fi V I ;H1 x
The Daily Delta (New Bern, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Dec. 15, 1856, edition 1
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