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THE PROGRESSIVE FARMER : JANUARY 12, 18S2. THE TELEGRAPH AND TELE PHONE. Properly Parts f the Postofca System- - A Wide Difference Between this Idea and that and the Government Own ership of the Railroads. Correspo'lenc f the La.mdnia.rk. In framing the Federal Constitution, it was wisely provided that "Congress should have the power to establish postofii ?es and post roads." (Constitu tion U.S., Ait. 1, Sec. 8) This has always been interpreted as not only conferring the power but imposing the duty of establishing and maintaining an adequate and efficient postal service for the country, and to that end adopt ing the means which experience aud the progress of invention should prove, best adapted for the purpose. There is nothing in this clause of the Consti tution which restricts Congress to the use of the methods or the facilities which were in use at the time of the adoption of the Constitution. When cheaper postage and an uni form rate were demonstrated to bo ad vantageous by the example of the Eng lish postoffice under Sir Rowland if iil. Congress promptly applied the same in our own postal service. In like man ner followed the use of postage stamps, the introduction of free delivery into cities, the adoption of the money order system, the issuance of postal notes and many other improvements in the handling and distribution of the mail None of these things were dreamed of by the framers of the Constitution. They were details wisely left to be worked out by the progress and intelli gence of succeeding generations. When our postoffice was first inaugurated mails were carried on horseback, or, in a few instances, by mail coaches. When steam was introduced, the postolnee promptly availed itself of the new agency, in fact every appli ance and every improvement to facili tate the social and business intercourse of the public have been laid hands on aud been made subservient to that pur pose, save one. Why the department has been forced to stand still in the presence of the agency which is most especially adapted for that purpose, and after having availed itself of the potent energies , steam has refrained from the usef the more potent agency of electricity, is weil kn v-n to all men. The telegnph and the telephone are the pr st of the rapidly advancing and near at hand twentieth century and it may be well 10 consider why the Post office Department has not adopted them and .vhy it should do so. It has not failed to adopt them be cause it is unconstitutional to do so. This is too plain for argument It would be easy to fill pages vriih cita tions o legal authorities showing ir,n constitutionality. Indeed, it could be better said that it is unconsitutiond for the government not to adopt them for the purpo?o of giving the people the best and cheapest and speediest postal facilities which the moss improved methods known to science can afford. The clause of the Constitution is under stood to be mandatory upon the Na tional Government to establish and maintain a proper postal service, since in the face of that provision neither States nor private companies can do so. Besides, the first telegraph established was in fact a part of our postoffice and its continuance as such, at a time when the government was in the hands of strict constructionists, was recom mended by Hon. Cave Johnson, the then Postmaster General. This wise recommendation was not acceded to simply because Congress, not foresee ing the value and importance of the invention, deemed the price asked by the inventor too great and in an evil hour permitted this great agency to pass into private hands. The public interests, the popular will and the con stitutimal provision, all alike require its restoration to its original function as a part of an enlightened and pro gressdve jostal service. Nor can it be said that it would be an experiment. Every civilized coun try with the sole exception of ours has long since made the telegraph a part of its postal service and in all it has worked satisfactorily. The rates in Grext Britain and Ireland are, like postage, uniform for all distances and are one cent a word. In Germany, the rate is about the same, and in Austria less. In France and Belgium, the rate is under ten cents (half a franc) for ten words between any two points. No department of the postoffice in any country pays better than the telegraph. In most countries the telephone, too, has been added. It is very certain that the telegraph and telephone as parts of our postal service would not only wonderfully improve tho means of intercourse but it is believed that a very eke ip uniform rate probably five cents a message would pay a handsome revenue to the government. In the presence of exorbitant rates to which we are accustomed this will seem hazardous, but reflection will show that it is not. Telegraph wire costs less than $8 per mile; poles in our country are not expensive, the cost of erecting them light; the chemicals for use of the wires are inexpensive. Where, then, is the cost? The govern ment pays freight to railroads, steam boats and star routes and sends letters across the continent at two cents and around the world for five cents. The last Postmaster-General's report states that while, owing to the cost of heavy packages and matter carriei free, there is a deficiency ia the postoffice, yet on the carriage of letters there isa net revenue annually of $30,000,000. Why, then, is it chimerical to state that mes sages sent by wire, at the cost of a few cheap chemicals and with no freight to be paid, would not pay a profit of five cents per message of ten words? It may be noted that the telephone patent expires next March. Now is the time for Congress to adopt it for the postoffice and establish a telepkone at every country postoffice. The ad van tages to the rural population would be manifold. Physicians could be sum moned promptly for the sick. Wit nesses and others summoned to court could be notified what day or kour to attend and be saved useless hours hanging around the court kouse. A telephone mewHage to the nearest rail way station would ascertain whether expected freight had come and the farmer would be saved a needless trip of his wagon over bad roads. News of approaching frosts could be promptly distributed through the country dis tricts and many a valuable crop saved. Thee may teem homely purposes to dwellers in citie, but they would de prive country life of some of its draw backs and be a boon to a portion of our population who claim that they bear their full share of the burdens of government and receive less than their share of its benefits. It comes, too, at a time when they are disposed to assert and maintain their right to be better considered in a distribution of the ad vantages of governmental favor. For this service, it might well be provided that for telephonic message within the county or for a distance of less than fifty miles, the charge would be only two cents. A system similar to this now prevails in Austria and some other countries. The postmaster could very easily keep his accounts either by the use of stamps or by a nickle -in the :-lot, attached to the instrument If the telephone is not now adopted by the government some gigantic corporation, some vast syndicate, will be sure to utilize it and when hereafter govern ment shall be forced to take it up for the public t-ervice, Congress will "he waved off as trespassing upon private and vested rights, as is already the case with the telegraph. The use of the telephone would de prive of validity the only arguments of any weight which have been used against the adoption of tho telegraph by the postoffice. These arguments are: 1. That the telegraph would be used by 5.000.000 of people, and that the other 57,000,000 would have to pay for it. Aside from the fact that the tele graph here, as in England and else where, when used by the postoffice and placed at a moderate uniform rati would pay a profit, we have the ad ditional fact that by the adoption of the telephone at country potoffices tho rural masss would be users of the new agency of inter communication as well as the business men of the cities; 2 It is urged that the number of em ployees of the government would be vastly increased. This argument, too, loss its force, if it has any, by the ad dition of the telephone. For all dis tai.ees undr two hundred miles the telephone can be used and the present postmasters c:n of course use them A te v teleg; a ph centres, one or two for each State, could be established, to which all long-distance messages would be Ment r.o be there dispatched by telegraph. At t'u,ce centres there would be a staff, more or letr-s large, of of oprafors. hu, the civil service rules would applv es they already do to the same posfon'es Trie annual increase in tho ntimU r f postmasters and post office employees b v reason of the in-cresv-ed service is about 5.000. For the reasons above given it may be doubled if the addition of the telegraph and telephone to the postoffirx will add more than the present natural increase of one year. Besides, this increase will be at centres and will be altogether of eivil service appointees and non partisan. S. The argument a to the expense of delivering m:ssaea would also be destroyed by the use of telephones, since in country districts the message would simply go to the postoffice, and in towns and their suburbs the univer sality of private telephones which will come into genera! use cm the expiration of the telephone patent, would make it easy to deliver messages ; besides, gov ernment could and would have numer ous telephone sub-postoffices in every place of size. The Western Union and its champions alwajTs adroitly couple opposition to governmental ownership of the tele graph with its ownership of railroads This is to avail themselves of the strong opposition and the forceful reasons which can be given against the latter measure. But the two measures have nothing whatever in common. .Gov ernment ownership of telegraphs and telephones is within the constitutional provision and does not concern the ex tension of governmental authority to new subject matter, but it is the simple adoption of proper facilities for the postal service commensurate with the progress of invention. No argument can be used against it which would not be equally valid against the adminis tration of the postoffice itself by the government. et we may well believe that if the mail were handled by the same monopoly it would not be as satis factorily done as at present and post age would be a3 high as telegraphing is now. Whatever the demerits or merits of the cry raised in some quarters for government ownership of railroads, it has no connection with this matter. If railroads were used solely for the pur pose of transmit ing mail matter, the case would be parallel and the govern ment could take charge of them under the power to establish post roa ;s. But railroads are used mostly for the con veyance of passengers and freights, which is foreign to the purposes of the postoffice, and to the extent that they can be used for mail purposes govern ment does take charge of ihem and as serts its exclusive right. If railroads are ever taken over by the government it must be on some other ground than as post roads, for in that capacity they are in government employ already. It is probable that public needs will re quire a stricter and closer control and supervision of rail roar, s than hereto fore, but as to tho telegraph and tele phone, from their very nature they should be exclusively used by the National Government for the cheap, speedy and reliable exchange of com munication between the people. This will not prevent railroads from having their own telegraph lines for their ownbusine, nor forbid telephone exchanges in cities and towns. As now persons and corporations can send their own letters by their own messengers, so they can send telegrams and tele phonic messages on their own business by their own wires. The prohibition will extend, as is now the eats, enly to the sending of mail or message for others. The public demand in this direction for adoption of these, the cheapest and speediest means of inter-communica-tion, by the government, is beyond question. It can be ascertained by .conversation in any gathering where the subjjt is discussed. The Farmers' Alliance has adopted the measure as one of its "demand." The boards of trade of New York, Philadelphia, Pitts burg, Baltimore. Cincinnati, San Fran cisco, Chicago, Detroit, Milwaukee, St Paul and numerous other cities have petitioned for it. The vast majority of the press, wherever they have taken -id s, have favored it. A measure so feasible, so nded, so much desired by the public and demanded bv the wants of tne age, has a powerful opponent, though indeed wo say but one, for the Western Union Telegraph Company, after having crushed out or bought on all its opponents except the Postal Telegraph Company, (so-called) has arranged with it by which rates are to be maintained. It may be well, therefore, to examine into some of the reasons which impel th.t gigantic cor poration to put forth efforts so power ful that up to the present time it bus throttled the popular will and defied the progressive spirit of the times. The capital stock of that company in 1858 was $358, 70. It declared stock divi dends between 185S and 188S (eight years) of $17,810,148, and added only $t, 937,95 for new lines, making its capital 1st July, 186, $2t, 133,819, nino tenths of which was water. One year from that date it coolly doubled its capital by making it $40,568,301. The largest dividend up to 1874 in any one year was 414 per cent. For a period of seven years its dividends averaged 109 per cent, a year on its average capital. At one time it distributed $10.00. 000 of stock to its shareholders. Its capital stock now, by virtue of successive waterings, is nearly $101,009,003 and on that sum it pays dividends that make it one of the beet paying invest merits in the country.' Every invest ment of $1,0, in 1858. in the" Western Unioa Telegraph stock, will have ic ceived up to List September, $60.00-) in stock dividends and cash dividends of $100,80. or an average of S00 per cent, dividends per year. It has miliad $100,000,008 o? net profits in 25 ears by its high charges These figures are uiicontroverted statement--, made to the committee of the last Congress be fore whom that company was repre sen ted by its president, its able array of counsel and numerous lobbyists, and when it was opposing a measure in favor of a limited adoption of the tele graph by the postoffice. AfVr thivi showing can there be at tached any weight to the arguments of its newspapers anu attorneys or any doubt of the need by the public of a governmental telegraph? if at the present r igh rates there has been to great and enormous profit can there be any doubt that here, as in England, a vastly incr. ased business and a still larger profit would follow the taking over of the telegraph by the postoffice, with concurrent establishment of jeasonable rates? The President of the Western Union, Dr. Nor rin Green, stated that in 1S6S the average profit to the company was 41 cents on each message. He claims that the average profit on each message now is only 7h cent and he shows that the number of messages in the lat 20 years has increased nearly nine-fold f rom 6.400.000 in 18GS to 64,100,000 in lSbS. If this be true as to the profit, yet it shows that a largo reduction in governmental hands is still possible and a vast increase in the number of messages would be an immediate con sequence. As has been well said '"of all the monopolies the telegraph system of this country, substantially owned and controlled y one man, is the worst and most dangerous of them all. It is no longer safe or expedient to entrust into the hands of one overpowering monopoly the telegraph business of this country. It is a power that not only can be used but has been per verted for purposes hostile to the best interests of the people ; the markets of the country, its Inanccs and its com mercial interests: io so large an extent depend upon the honest and honorable administration of the company that tho people are not in a mood to repose a trust of this kind any 1 mger without competition in the hands of a stock jobbing corporation." The proposition for the government ownership of the telegraph and tele phone will come up with renewed em phasis before the next Congress. Like Banquo's ghost, it is a question which 44 will not down." It is just and right that the public demand should be granted and such demands, like free dom's battle, once begun, "though baffled oft," we know, "are ever won." It is an anomaly which cannot last that we should strain every nerve and increase expenditure to save from one to two hours in the rapid carriage or delivery of mails when a single enact ment of Congress all such message s as require the hastily-sought expedition could be delivered almost instantly by the use of electricity and at the rate, sav. of five cents per message. lias not the public cause to desire this measure as surely as the present monopoly has reason for the earnest and persistent fight it has made for so many years against it? Walter Clark. Raleigh, N. C. Burgaw, Pender Co., N. C, Mr Editor: At a repular meeting of Branch Alliance, held on Dec. 19th, 1891, the annexed resolutions were unanimously adopted. I will say to you before giving the resolutions that our Alliance is not a large one in number but strong in the faith of Alliance principles. We stand square on the Ocala demand and we intend to stand up solid for our beloved National Preei dent, Polk, and the Alliance, the par tisan press to the contrary notwith standing ; and we wish to say to the partisan press that we think that when they are fighting the Alliance and its officers that they are cutting off their own nose to spite their faee. In proof of this fast we ask who it i that sup ports these papers mainly if it is not the farmers and laborers ot our una, nd we would sav to them beware how they use the pen lest it be done to their own hurt, But now to tne resolutions Resolved Bv Branch Alliance, No 971, in council assembled, that we do heartily condemn the partisan preen for the bitter manner in wnicn tney are fitrhtiner our national officers mnd Alliance principles which we hold to be as sacred as goepel truths. 2d. That we send this to The Pro gressive Farmer for publication and request reform papers to copy. R. L Player, Sec'y. W. B. Player, Pres't. FOR THE FARMERS. Careful estimates, made by those compete) t to judge, fix the yield of the present Kansas wheat crop aC not les? than fifty million bushels. If sold within the next sixty days it will not command to exceed 75 cent? per bushel, whi-'h would bring the farmers ?37. 000 0000. Experts (basing their predictions- on crop reports all over the world) are very confident that wheat next year will command $1.25 per bushel, making a difference between present prices and the predicted price of next spring of $25,000,000 on the Kansas crop alone. Under our present financial system that $25,000,000 will go into the pocket of the speculator, thus making the rich richer and the poor poorer, whilst under the Sub Treasury plau the farmers of Kansas would get that extra $25,000,000. Who do you say is justly entitled to it, the farmers who produce it, or the specu lator who, through the manipulation of of a robber system of finances, is en abled to "rake it in." I would like some of the advocates of our present financial system to point out wherein the above illustration is fallacious, or wherein the Sub-Treasury plan, as illustrated in the above, would be detrimental to the best interests of the country. Come, gentlemen, you have got to face the music. These quastions are being discussed, and we want them fairly met, not wit h ridicule and abuse, but with cb an cut, logi(?al arguments. We have a right to de uiand that much ; nothing lees will we accept, Home Adixxxtte, Mapleton, Iowa. RESOLUTIONS FROM COUNTY. PAMLICO We, the undersigned committee ap pointed at our List regular meeting of Trent Allium v, 1.374, to draft reso hit ions, Resole-J. That we heartilv endorse our worthy President, L, L. Polk, and will stand by him as long as he can sup port the Oc:ila platform. We endorse the Deal a platform from beginning to end. We cannot support any one that will not come to our demands. 2d. That vve believe that the cause of the low prices of products is by the scarcity of the currency in circulation. We believe in the free and unlimited coinage of silver and the Sub-Treasury or land loan or something better. Sd. That we favor the low tariff but do not think that alone will bring re lief. 4th. That we consider the present national banking system both ruinous and injurious to the farmer and labor ing classes, mid we do demand the re pal of the present banking system, also we demand a return to the old banking system prior to the last war. 5th. That we are opposed to sending any delegate to the national convention who is not in favor of the free coinage of silver, or who will cast his vote for any candidate for the presidency who is opposed to the free coinage of silver. We recommend that the Senators and President be elected by the popular vote of the people. We demand that United States bonds be taxed as other property, as we consider this class leg lslation and we request our representa tives and Senators m Congress to intro duce and have passed a bill to that effect. These resolutions we unanimously adopted at a regular meeting of Trent Alliance, No. 1,374, Dec 19th, 1801. Cth. That a copy of these resolutions be sent to The Progressive Farmer and other papers that are in sympathy with the Alliance please copy. P. .1. Daniels, James Spruill, J. E. Caroon, Committee. S. B. Lane, ChnVn. T. J. Sawyer, Pres't. SOCIETY IN BIG CITIES. Famons Social Leaders to Tell Exactly What it is Like. The social life in our large cities is one of the most fascinating studies in the world. The women who comprise it are naturally the most beautiful and the most brilliant of their sex. Never have we, however, seen this whirl of society through the eyes of those who arc its leaders. We have seen it from the outside, as it were, but now we are to have glimpses of it from the inside. During 1892, The Lad its' Home Jour nal will give its readers these glimpses in a series of interesting articles under the title "Social Life at Six Cents." Mrs. Burton Harrison, the author of "The Anglomaniacs," is to write of "Social Life in New York," and none can speak of it with so much authority as she who is one of its social leaders. Mrs Admiral Dahlgren will portray " Washington Society," and Mrs. Annie de Koven, daughter of Senator Farwell, will write of "Social Life in Chicago." Tiien Boston. Philadelphia and San Francisco will follow. These articles will tell exactly what social life in a great city means, how dinners are arranged and given ; how the women dress and act ; the etiquette of the best parlors; what the daily life of a society woman means ; hqw girls are introduced into the social swim and make their debut, and the other hundred and one things which are most interesting to read and know about in social life and warfare. The Journal series will be a splendid one, without question, and will give thoutands a new idea of what it means to be "in society" in the largest eities of our land. COMPARISON OF SUB TREASURY AND NATIONAL BANKING SYSTEM. Our friends, tke bankers, would do will to note the following points of comparison between the Sub-ireasury phin and the national banking system. They both involve the collaterals with the government to secure the red em p tion of the note issued by the govern ment as money. Both involve paper promises to pay, printed by the gov ernment, and iatended to circulate as money. Both involve the payment of interest to the government at the rate of 1 per cent, per annum for the use of the money. In botn systems tne gov ernment guarantees the redemption of the bdls. In the national banking kvs- tem. however, the government receives its own promwftory oonds as collateral, but doe not increase its ansets thereby to tke value of any thing. It siaiply decreases its liabilities to the amount of 10 per cent., tke difference between the amount of new promises to pay and tke amount of the old ones de posited. In the Sub Treasury plan, however, the new issue is added to the liability of the government, and at the same time a like amount and 25 per cent, more is added to the available aaseta in the shape of wheat and cot ton, exchangeable for gold in the principle market of the world. south ern Alliance Farmer. AN ADDRESS. To all citizens of the United States. Greeting: the undersigned have been appointed a committee to issue an address setting forth the objects and purposes of the great conference of pro ducers which ks been called to con vene in St. L"uis, on the 22 ad day of February, 18U2. The call for said conference originated with the National Farmers Alliance and Industrial Union at Ocala., Fla , in Deceintwr, 1890, as follows: " This body gives its eanctiou and call for a meeting to be held about February, 1892, tj be composed ot delegates from all organisations of producers upon a fair basis ot representation, for the nuipoae of a general and thorough con ference upon the demands ot each, and to the end that all may agree upon a joint set of demands just prior to the next national campaign, and agree upon the proper methods for enforcing such demands If the people, by dele gates coming from them direct, agree that a third party move is necessary, it need not b; feared. That the next session of this Supreme Council elect delegates from this Order to represent it in said national conference of pro ductive organizations for political pur poses." Committees from the National Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union, the Knights of Labor, the Na tional Citizens' Alliance, and the Col ored National Farmers' Alliance and Co operative Union met in Washing ton, D. C, January 24, 1891, and chose a national executive committee, and fixed the time for the coming conference at February 22d, 1892, and instructed their executive committee to decide on the place of meeting and the basis of representation. The call for the great libor conference has since been ratified and accepted by practically all farmers' and laborers' organizations. The na tional executive committee met at Iri dianapolis, Ind., on the ICth day of November, and fixed the basis of rep resentation, and appointed a committee to choose the place of meeting. This snows the call to be regular, and to be supported by millions of people scattered throughout every section, of this broad land. A movement of such great extent and popularity involves great forces and must wield great power; its causes, objects, purposes and methods, therefore, are important subjects of consideration. Tiie causes are many and depend on combinations of circumstances that have been transpiring for yeirs; many of them are to day unnoticed, and to attempt even a list of the causes would be almost an endless task, but promi nent among the causes for this great movement, causes which should fill with alarm and concern every loyal citi zen of this government, are: The rapid accumulation of the wealth of the na tion in the hands of a few, and the gen eral impoverishment and discontent of the masses; a financial system that furnishes a volume of money which at one reason of the ye ir is so redundant that money is worth in the metropolis only 1 per cent, on 'call, wlrle at an other season it is so inadequate that money ranges as high as 186 per cent, on call, thereby entailing great hard ship and distress upon all classes as a n suit of unstability of prices. The gen eral and widespread belief on the part of the masses that the government is administered in the interest of a favored class (whether this be true or not, the fact that such belief exists is a matter of public concern) in spite of the wise and just provisions of the Constitution. Boss rule methods and the distribution of millions of corruption money by po litical organizations; the depressed condition of all productive pursuits, the menace to tree government in volved in the shameful abuses of ag gregated wealth, using combinations of transportation companies to control kgislative and judicial proceedings, the foreign invasion which is received and allowed to exact tribute on account of the unavailability of American wealth iri business, the plainly visible wide separation between the govern ment and the people who seem to feel that they are pushed aside for the poli tician and lose a proper interest in gov ernment affairs, that monster, the mortgage, which is rapidly devouring the liberties and the independence of the grandest and best people the sun ever shown upon, and whose conscience less exactions must soon bring on a climax of violence unless wise councils shall prevail and the cause of justice assert itself. These among the many causes are sufficient to enlist the sup port of all patriotic citizens in any laudable effort to wrest American in stitutions from such abuses and restore them to the foundations laid by the signers of tha Declaration of Indepen-denea. Tke object of the coming meetinc i uuutri wio utrooiug ui U(X1, to COIlfer and agree upon the widest, fairest and most just means of relief in the interest of the whole people, and to announce a declaration of principles upon which all are agreed to stand and demaad laws to carry out. For this purport every organization of producers in this broad land is invited to send delegates and participate in the deliberations For the love of our country, for tha sake of your family, in view of your duty to prosperity, and pursuant of your responsibility to God, come! and let this be the second Declaration of In dependence for the American per pie in which instead of throwing off the voke of a tyrant king they liberate posterity from threatened industrial tyrany and fc'avery. Tlie purpose of the meeting will be developed when the delegates of the people assemble. It is idle to suppose that they will adopt a set of demands without making adequate provision to enforce them. It is not for this com mittee to sry what the purposes will be, but it is the duty of this committee to urge the intelligence, wisdom and virtue of th land to participate in the deliberations and abide the results of that meeting. C. W. Macuse, Herman Baumoarten. Thomas W. Gilkkth, John P, Steele, Committee. . . A MILLION A WEEK. The Net Clearings of the Railroads Dar ing the Year 1890. The advance sheet of Poor's Manual of Railroads for 1891 show that about 5,500 miles of new road were built in the United States in 1890, making the total mileage butlittleless than 107,009. The liabilities of the companies are 10 J millions, or which over 4 millions are capital, over five millions funded debt, one third million unfunded debt, and a little over one-quarter million current debt. On the other side of the balance sheet is foimd 8f millions as the cost of road and equipments, H millions in real estate, stocks, bonds and other invest ments, and one half million m cash, bills receivable and current accounts. Over 529 million passengers were car ried about 25 miles each, and 70H mil lion tons of freight were carried about 10$ miles each. The passenger earnings were 2731 millions, freight 7-40J- millions, other sources 72 millions, a total of over one billion. The operating expenses were 744fc millions and the net earnings 311 J millions. Other reeeipts. includmc rentals, were 1181 millions, making a total available revenue of 455 millions. The pasunents on fixed charges amounted to over 4 millions, leav ing the excess 01 available revenue about one million a week for the year. RESOLUTIONS. The following resolutions were passed by Mt. Carmel Alliance, Rockingham county, N. C, Dec. 26, 1891: Whereas, The partisan papers and the party leaders of the South continue to slander the leaders of the Alliance, and to abuse its workings, and seem to want to make us vote for Cleveland for President in 1892. Resolved, That we will stick to Col. L L. Polk as long as he sticks to the Order, and that we pronounce such attacks as cowardly, and each attack upon the Alliance or its officers makes us stronger in the faith. 2. That we will not vote for Cleve land if he i3 nominated, nor for any other man who will not pledge to support the Alliance and especially th Sub Treasury. 3. That all members that will lov either of the old parties more than he does the Alliance ought to quit the Alliance and be true to his colors. 4. That we reaffirm our allegiance to the Alliance and promise to stand by its demands against all opposition. 5. That a copy of these resolutions be sent to The Progressive Farmer and Webster's Weekly with request to publish. W. II. Davis, Secretery Carmel Alliance. ENCOURAGE BUSINESS AGENT. Mt. Olive, N. C. Mr. Editor: For the benefit end encouragement of the brethren, I wish to say that have saved at least 25 per cent, on some articles in buying through our State agency. Brethren, this is one of our plans to save middle men's profits, and bring the manufac turer and conftimer together. Brethren, let us patronize our own business agency, and thus encourage and strengthen the Alliance cause and thus help to accomplish one very important part of the work which we as Allianec men have undertaken. Bro. W. II. Worth is endeavoring to do his whola duty, and I am gratified to know, that he is succeeding splendidly. In fact, ho is just the man for the place one of the very best business agents. Brethren, every dollar we trade through this channel helps us in a two fold way. W. APPOINTMENTS IN RUTHERFORD COUNTY. Mr. Editor: If you will allow me a small sp.ce in your most valuable pa per I will announce to the renders of The Progressive Farmer that 1 i.strict Lecturer J. S Davit will address the people at the following timesand place? : Henrietta Mills. Jan. H, 1892. Logan's Store, Jan. 19, 1892. Holly Springs, Jan. 20, 1892. Bro." Davis will pass from here into McDowell county. The Rutherford County Alliance will meet with the Shiloh Sub Alliance, No. 893, cn the 19th and 15tk of January, 1892. , We expect a good time then. Brethren, please excuse me just here as I am hardly able to et up. With best wishea for the Alliance and its organ, 1 remain, etc., Mario J. Green, See'y Rutherford Co. Alliar.ce.
The Progressive Farmer (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Jan. 12, 1892, edition 1
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