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mi) n ma Page Two THE DAILY TAR HEEL Thursday, October 20, ItZO Republicans See Surge KIX Picks' atlp Max Hee "Later On, I Might Take A Little Dip" Ported SttPi J- J. I 77s sixty -eighth year of editorial freedom, unhampered by restrictions from either the administration or the student body. The Daily Tar He?l is the. official student publication of the Publica tions Board of the University of North Carolina, Richard Overstreet, Chairman. All editorials appearing in The Daily Tar Heel are tlx personal expres sions of the editor, unless otherwise credited; they are not necessarily represen tative of feeling on tlie staff, and all reprints or quotations must specif y thus. October 20, 1960 Volume LXIX, Number 3 1 Has Mr. Lodge Spoken Correctly? Pro Henry Cabot Lodge has flatly predicted that Richard rixon, if elected to the nation's top office, will appoint a qualified Negro to his cabinet. Both John Kennedy and Nixon have stated that they favor a cabi net made up. of well-qualified secretaries, regardless of race or color. If it is not designed primarily "to get the Negro, vote," then we must voice an approval of the sugges tion. We agree strongly with Lodge that the appointment of a qualified Negro would be beneficial not only in its effect on domestic policy but on those abroad who have had oc casion to call the United States a nation of prejudice. Of course, it should be empha sized that the appointment of a Negro solely as a symbol of racial equality would be defeating the purpose, if there, is no qualified Negro available. Any Negro appointed to the Cabinet should be able to stand up to the qualifications requisite to a cabinet member, just as a white member should. And it would seem, in any case, that a Negro would almost have to exceed these qualifications for he would be on trial before the Ameri can citizens white and Negro alike and he would-be vulnerable to more stringent criticism than any directed toward other cabinet members. A Negro would not only have to make decisions as a man and as a representative of his country, but also as a representative of a race which has yet to prove itself in the eyes of many millions who are not ready to accept "the Negro as an equal. His decisions would be viewed critically and he would be judged not as a man in a vital position, but as a Negro who must do his job better than any white man or get" out of office. Finally, this man would have to possess the courage, the wisdom, the integrity and the stamina to stand up under all the vilifications to which angry advocates of white supremacy would subject him. If Nixon has found such a man, his intentions of placing him in a major advisory position are laud able. Kennedy would also be wise to make the appointment, should he be in a position to do so and if such a man exists. A Negro Secretary, assuming he is qualified, could fulfill a two-fold objective both as a policy-maker ranking with any white cabinet member and as a salient symbol of the racial equality sadly absent in America today. W. K. tc -patlg ar jHcel JONATHAN YARDLEY Editor Wayne King, Mahy Stewart Bakes Associate Editors Robert Haskell, Marcabet Ann Rhymes Managing Editors Edward Neal Riner . Assistant To The Editor Henry Mayer, Lloyd Little News Editors Susan Lewis Feature Editor s Fbank Slusser Sports Editor Ken Friedman ....Asst. Sports Editor Jjhn Justice, Davis Young Contributing Editors Tim Burnett Business Manager f Richard Werner Advertising Manager John Jesters Circulation Manager Charles WHEDBEE.-Subscription Manager The Daily Tab Heel is published daily except Monday, examination periods and vacations. It is entered as second class matter in the post office in Chapei I all, N.- C, pursuant with the act of March 8, 1870. Subscription rates: $4 II per semester, $7 per year. s The Daily Tab Heel is a member of tie United Press International and ' vtilizes the services of the News Bu reau of the University of North Caro 1 na. Published by the Colonial Press, Chapel Hill. N. C. Con We have been appalled recently at the open, opportunistic efforts of Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge to en sure the Negro vote by "flatly pre dicting" that Mr. Nixon, if elect ed, would appoint a Negro to the President's Cabinet. This statement, as Senator Ken nedy was quick to point out, is "racism in reverse at its worst." It is not only that; it is attempting to make a statement for the presiden tial candidate, who obviously does not feel as strongly on the matter. No one can speak for Mr. Nixon but Mr. Nixon; our quarrel is with Mr. Lodge." Promising a position to a mem ber of a racial or ethnic group is not the correct way in which the government is operated; good Presidents have, as a rule, tried to find the best man, regardless of his color, his religion or his personal appearance. While Kennedy repeats that he is interested only in the capability of prospective Cabinet members, Lodge asserts that the Vice Presi dent would appoint a Negro; but has he made a clear commitment to the concept of quality? We think not. There are many great virtues to be. gained from having Negroes in positions of importance in the American government; the great est of these would be that the of ficialdom of America would finally recognize the truth that all have avoided that Negroes are every bit as good as anyone else, intel lectually, physically, socially. , There are, however, no virtues to be found in placing a man in an of ficial post because of his color. Color, it would seem clear, does not affect the mind. If Ralph Bunche were, for example, ap pointed would it be because he is a man of great ability or because he is a Negro? Mr. Lodge makes the latter sound more probable. The Negro is not to be tossed around as a political football, robbed of all dignity and made useful. He is human and has great dignity; Mr. Lodge does not seem to recognize this. He has used the Cabinet issue to appeal not only to the Negro but also to "liberals," "intellectuals" and "free-thinkers." He has bandied the Negro about as something that is to be held when necessary, dropped when no longer of any immediate value to the campaign cause. Mr. Nixon has conducted himself with remarkable control during this rather unfortunate campaign blunder by his running mate, but there has been an unexpected re sult: the controversy has served to draw a line of disagreement be tween the two candidates, partly destroying the impression of har mony in the Republican camp. Mr. Lodge has played his hand very poorly. He has expressed an admirable idea most unadmirably, and has shown himself to be a little more politician and a little less statesman, despite the "image" campaign tacticians have tried to build for him. J.Y. (Third in a series on the Young Republican Club and the Young Democratic Club.) Pledge training. The Young Republican Club is a pledge class of the senior or national Republican in that it is a training and recruiting organ ization. However, this is not the type of pledge training usually associated with fraternity pledge training, but it is a pathway to party recognition after college. Charles Jonas Jr, explains that membership in-the YRC instills the thought of active party par ticipation. "I have neither facts, figures nor others' opinions on this, but my guess would be that college YRC members become active members in the senior party," Jonas says. "There are many students on campus now that believe in the Republican party look at the number of "Nixon" and "Gavin" bumper stickers for example but they do not feel they have time to attend meetings, join the YRC or to take an active part in the party," he says. Jonas also agrees with Neil Matheson, YRC president, that many Southerners are registered Democrats, but they think Re publican: conservative. More and more of these people are registering Republican this year in North Carolina andor planning to vote Republican be cause they realize "they cannot support the Democratic Party either because of the candidate or the platform . or both," Jonas explains. He . also agrees with others around the state that North Caro lina is getting closer to being a two-party state: President Eisen hower almost carried North Carolina in 1952 and 1956, and Robert Gavin has more support than previous Republican guber natorial candidates in the 20th century. (Gavin has campaigned all over the state and is sched uled here.) And, Jonas adds, there are hopes of getting a leading Repub lican to Chapel Hill soon. But how does the local YRC fit into this state and national GOP scene? Tlie answer is the party, but the answer is applied differ ently.' Because of classroom and other responsibilities, the club cannot fully devote itself to cam paigning as members of the sen ior party are doing, but it can and is working to stimulate interest in the presidential and guberna torial races and the GOP. It is doing this through its own meetings and meetings with other YRC's and by working with the Orange County party head quarters. Making and delivering posters on Gavin's trip to town today and arranging for his visit last Friday are the most out standing projects of the club so far. Merging the YRC with Youth for Nixon will increase the mem bers' interest and work in the presidential campaign, and it probably will draw more out-of-state students to the club. (Next: What is the Young Democratic Club at Caro lina?) Ed Riner REFLECTIONS The Chapel Hill Weekly recent ly ran an article which pointed out that voting and registration procedures would be tightly en forced, including those regard ing residency. This is true; how ever, before students assume that they are disenfranchised they should check with their regis trar. It should be pointed out that the decision to register a voter is, to a large extent,, a decision made by the registrar. Many students here have legiti mate reasons for claiming resi dency in Orange County. Many own property here, have bought licenses here and give the Chapel Hill post office as their permanent address. Although these are not to be considered requirements for registration, they are criteria for judgement by the registrar. In North Carolina, a citizen must have resided in the state one year and in the precinct, ward or other election district 30 days. Registration must be made IN PERSON with the registrar of township, ward, or precinct of residence from 9 a.m. on the fourth Saturday before sunset on the second Saturday before elec tion. Minors should bear in mind that anyone reaching age 21 be fore election day is eligible for registration. (it CVT I - 77 Jrjt ' ' J ' " SS 1 - ' - . - To the Editor: It seems that Mr. John Justice and. I have a difference 'in opin ion in regard to the radio station WKIX and its music programs. His KIX Picks appear? to be tho result of a final effort to find something to criticize which evi dently he knows nothing about. He might write a much better article on billiards than music it certainly couldn't be worse. When he classifies Brenda Lee and Sam Cooke as things, rather than humans, who record noth ing but tripe, he might well re member that these recording stars have sold millions of records to the people of this country people who were willing to pay for this 'tripe'. When he classi fies "Our Best To You" as two hours of sentimental, sloppy songs calculated to ease the poor, bleed ing hearts of local lovers, he definitely shows that he has a lack of music appreciation. I hate to think that the music played on "Our Best To You" by such re cording stars as Doris Day, John ny Mathias, Roy Hamilton, Percy Faith, and others I hate to think that this is 'sloppy'. Music is one of the things that every human being enjoys, or rather, almost every human be ing enjoys. There are, and there always will be, some people who can't stand music, and will criti cize it, even though they couldn't carry a tune in a bucket. Cy Thompson M'LOU REDDEN Styrons Latest: Muddled By Sex & Pornography Set This House on Fire, Wil liam Styron's latest novel, is monumental both in its scope and its failure. Material for sev eral novels is present in its 500 odd pages. Scenes flash from New York to Italy, to South Carolina, and back to Italy many times. Superficially, the plot is that 'of a very .ordinary mystery, jazz-" ed up with a multitude of four-' letter words. Through flashbacks, the events preceding and follow ing the gory death of Mason Flagg are developed. However, with great ambition and little caution, the author attempts to dissect the existence and mean ing of evil. Somehow, one never discovers exactly who or what is evil, and by the long-delayed conclusion, one no longer even cares. Sections of this novel are both BOB SILUMAN fascinating and brilliant. Rural Italy in its beauty and vicious poverty is examined in vivid and painstaking detail. A constant, pungent, and satiric attack upon contemporary America, its politics and values is one of the most en tertaining features of the novel.. Unfortunately, these spots of worth are muddled and almost smothered by a joyless review of sex and pornography and a great deal of needlessly complicated melodrama. There are three men of impor tance in $et This House on Fire. Apparently only one of these is sane Peter Leverett. He serves two functions he narrates a ma jor part of the novel and devotes his spare time to picking up the broken bits of humanity destroyed by the other two men. It is between Mason Flagg, "the bloody rich," and Cass Kinsolv- 'Operation Kennedy3 "Of course the convention, is rigged," said a dapper gentleman sitting at the end of the table. "Look at the men in key posi tions Bowles is chairman of the platform . committee, Governor Collins is Chairman of the con vention. I could go right down the line. You have replaced all of the old guard of the Demo cratic party with all of the young liberals. Just look at the men you've left out: Sam Rayburn has no position, and neither does Mike Mansfield. I don't wonder at all that Jack Kennedy is ahead in convention ballots." The bitter tone of the Johnson supporter was caused by an all too real political reality: Ken nedy had gained access to the important, decision-making of fices at the Los Angeles conven tion. But who compromised the clique that the . Massachusetts Senator had carefully fathered around him? And more impor tant, why had .these men joined Operation Kennedy? For years, the Democratic par ty had been ruled by the old guard politicos: the Sam Ray burns, the Averill Harrimans, and the Mrs. Roosevelts. And later, the Adlai Stevensons. In 1956, Jack Kennedy made an im portant decision: he could not hope to gain the Democratic nom ination through this avenue of access. And so, Kennedy began building his own faction of the party. He began with the men who were shunned by the older faction, he invited the liberals, and, just for good measure, he attracted a few of the Stevenson prototype eggheads. And Senator Kennedy came up with a thus-far unbeatable com bination of politicians. He gained the confidence of Jewish-Yankee Governor Abe Ribbicoff of Con necticut; foreign policy decisions were made by Connecticut Con gressman Chet Bowles. In the waning months of the pre-con-vention campaigning, Kennedy swayed Washington's Scoop Jack son. In the all-important labor state of Michigan, Millionaire Governor "Soapy" Williams join ed the cause. But why did these men throw in their lot with Kennedy? F. Kennedy a candidate who could gain the confidence and the votes of the American peo ple. And everyone likes a win ner. Second, many of these men were "out" with the Democratic party. They would never gain ac claim if the party candidate were Adlai Stevenson, or a Lyndon Johnson. And third: Kennedy was their type of candidate: liberal in domestic policy fields, such as economics, yet knowledgable and realistic in foreign policy, (i.e. Quemoy and Matsu) These are the components of Operation Kennedy, this is the New Face of the Democratic par ty, this is the celebrated Unbeat en Machine. The Johnson support er sitting at the San Carlos Hotel was peeved at the informal slap given the Old Guard Democrats. But after he had finished his complaint, a Kennedy aide re minded him of a statement once made by another Democratic can didiate who finally sat ixi the White House: "If you can't stand the heat, get out of the kitchen." The remark implied that politics is no game for the amateur, and the author of the remark ought to know, for his name was Harry Truman. ing, "journeyman cartoonist," that the major conflict occurs. By a series of accidents Flagg gains a diabolic emotional hold over Kinsolving, who appears largely as a sodden and hallucination ridden painter. A realization of Flagg's unbalanced and evil na ture finally penetrates Kinsolv ing's liquor-drenched soul, where upon most of the violent action develops. A profusion of characters only manages to confuse the fainting reader still further. Kinsolving has a child-wife and an astound ing number of dirty children. Flagg has an entourage of movie people, expatriates, and servants which defies calculation. Through various flashbacks, untold num bers of other characters enter, are destroyed to some degree, and are relegated, thankfully no doubt, to Limbo. The question of evil in itself is rather chaotically treated. Flagg is either the epitome of evil or he is a demigod and evil does not exist. This is a problem which perplexes Sturon far more than the reader. A dip into any chapter will settle the reader's doubt very quickly. Flagg is un balanced and almost pathetically intent upon proving himself superhuman and above questions of good and evil. But the clearest picture of him is given by Kin solving himself: "The universal man he thought of himself as, the bleeding equilateral triangle of the perfect human male, an aesthete who could quote you half a line from Rilke and Rim baud and you name it, and dream of himself potting tigers in Burma and getting gored in Seville, and balance himself off as the most glorious stud that ever crept be tween two sheets. And since he was none of these things to no degree he had to talk a lot, to make you believe he was aU o them." Only one problem actually ex ists for the reader. How could one man be so demonic without collapsing from the effort? Flagg rapidly becomes more symbol than man. Any attempt to criticize Sty ron's latest in an organized fash ion is a futile one. At best, one can only give an estimate of its value. If you are prepared to struggle through several themes, an unbelievable amount of char acter study, and reams of print, there is certainly thought-provoking and often humorous con tent to be found. Contrary to the rules, this novel is improved by judicious skimming. Chapters could probably be eliminated without visible effect. As long as no startling revela tions or profundities are expect ed, the book is not actually a dis appointment. It is simply a tedi ous and at times monotonous con glomeration of themes and inci dental ideas. Its major virtue lies in the occasional brilliance, con stant vividness, and spurting hu mor of Styron's style. Kennedy Or Nixon Whose hnage Is Right Imagine that you are a visitor from another planet. Wishing to' know as much as possible about the present-day United States, you examine the newspapers each day in order to see what image of America can be found in the reading material of the citizens. Further, since this is an elec tion year, you think that much knowledge can be gathered from the speeches of the candidates for the Presidency of the United States. You look first at the words of the Republican candidate and you smile. America is Utopia. Her prestige and power (military, economic, and political) are at an all-time high. America is win ning all sorts of contests: the Cold War (a curious misnomer), the space race, the missile race, etc. Ah, you say, this country America . is wonderful. For fur ther confirmation of the great ness of the United States you turn to the other candidate for the highest electoral office on the globe. And you are shocked by the difference between the two. The Democratic nominee ap parently sees his country in quite a different light from the Repub lican. If what Senator Kennedy says is true, then America is more like a decadent society which is on the brink of disaster, a disaster which can only be averted by the election of the Democratic ticket. Good Lord (or the equivalent), you say, the United States is tottering on the brink of utter ruin, according to Kennedy. But the Republicans say that all is well, and that the Democrats are defeatist and fear-obsessed. You turn away, bewildered. Which of the drastically different images is true or rather, which more closely approaches the true image? Well, if the democratic theory of majority vote being the best determinate of opposing choices is true, the people of America (or approximately 5.5 60 of the voters) will make the decision between the polaric pic tures offered to them. John Justice
Daily Tar Heel (Chapel Hill, N.C.)
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Oct. 20, 1960, edition 1
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