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phwlL l-ih * URM s>fy ,M ORTH mCARQLI N ~‘ I tfi?TA.BIiSHED 1936 \ I EDWARD A. YUZIUK - EDITOR G PUBLISHER > | MISS REBECCA BOONE - ASSOCIATE EDITOR ' 1 ARCHIE BALLEW - PHOTOGRAPHER G PRESSMAN PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY BY YANCEY PUBLISHING COMPANY s' SECOND CLASS POSTAGE PAID AT BURNSVILLE, N.C. I THURSDAY, JUNE 19, 1969 NUMBER FORTY-ONE SUBSCRIPTION RATES $3.00/YEAR OUT OF COUNTY $5.00/YEAR SENATOR <n V 1 SAM ERVIN WASHINGTON - The Senate Subcommittee on Separation of powers, of which lam Chairman, has been studying the (Toblem of non-judicial activities by Supreme Court Justices and other federal judges as part of its overall inquiry into the Supreme Court. In June 1968, when the Subcommittee first began look ing into the question of what outside activities federal judges <mld properly perform without doing violence to their primary re sponsibilities, the problem appeared almost academic in na ture. Recent events have now demonstrated that this is a crucial question affecting the federal bench and, in its impli cations, the federal government. Unfortunately there las beai more heat than light on this subject, and particularly so be cause this is a subject which is critical to the institutions of our constitutional system. On July 10th, the Subcommittee will begin a five-day series of hearings on this complex and sejasitive subject of non judicial activities of federal judges with pftartlobl&r emphasis on such activities of Supreme Court Justices. ('kt The Subcommittee has invite# group of State and Federal judges, to testify before it. Other witnesses \yIU the aca demic community, repre-s^wtotj*'^|-.^ an£j liar?itl iD t h PUbliC “ d fami- The Subcommittee which relate to this problem, iedS. 1097, a bill to bar all Federal i 0 r go vernmental activity of q May Bth, Senator. Griffin * a meaiure to require Federal judges to disclose ajll Thae measures are representative pf ttvd v '|hafSive been suggested and will serve os focal points liafiSiisgwfr' of the inquiry. One of the questions'brifeftr is whether this is a subj ect Upon and should legislate. ‘ .. v The Judicial Conference for mulating a set of principles Jo This "code of ethics", and *ffo»£ .byth^ public confidence in the benoh, ;w|ll also’ Q# the course of the hearings.' *'?i %■': ‘ These hearings are fat purw pose of recounting w&fofa events _ nor will they be conpiriDftd wkh . those involved in these events. hearings is to deal with the bf which will guide tire public and ture. '. : ‘ ' V . **;. /i’-. .. , * -:V,- •• . :/. ’tudies in this field indicate that the pfoblenuf'of "extra judicial activities are not entirely susceptible to Resolution by the enactment of laws. Still, appropriate laws, il necessary, can result in improvements in our judicial machinery. In this context, I am hopeful that the hearings will be of consid erable value. - , *t -* . , Q | $ By Tom Anderson * THE REAL NIXON PROBLEM | Weekly Review, published in London, de scribes President Nixon's real problem. Weekly Review says: “No commentator has yet dared to tell the truth. President Nixon's real problem is as fol lows: “1. Should he agree to a detente with Russia in the West in order to encourage the Sino- Russian clash? “2. If he did so would he forfeit the good will of the anti-communist forces in the West and inside the Warsaw pact bloc? “3. If he agreed to a detente and risked the loss of the anti-Communist Europeans, and if war resulted between Russia and China should America remain neutral in the hope that each would exhaust the other? Or should America support China against Russia on the grounds that China is a less dangerous power indus trially? “Which would be better to eliminate—Rus sia or China? “4. Should America encourage Japan to revejt to an expansionist policy, thus relieving America in southeast Asia? “5. In the event of a miscalculation leading to a major Arab-lsraeli clash with Soviet inter vention, should America intervene on behalf of Israel? "Beyond all this, President Nixon is per plexed as to how to contain the rising tide of discontent throughout Europe and in America itself. Can it be contained shqrt of measures which if used, might destroy America’s, image in the eyes of millions inside Russia and else where? “And last, but not least, is it possible to have full economic expansion without runaway infla tion? Does President Nixon accept the assur ances of those whose answer is a categorical yes, and if he does can he maintain the unity of the Republican Party? “In the conduct of foreign affairs and inter state relations one has —whether one likes it or not —to deal with all kinds of unsavoury C7L JM„n ion <Jor»„ By Marilyn Manion A CURIOUS DOUBLE STANDARD Why does our nation fight Communism in Asia—and support Communism in Africa? If you put that question to the general pub lic, most people would be shocked to hear that we support Communism anywhere. How, they would ask, does the United States aid the Reds in Africa? How? By refusing to sell arms to such anti communist nations as Rhodesia and South Africa. While Russia, China and Cuba are en gaged in mass subversive activities across the African continent, complete with modern arms, terrorism and careful organization, we will not sell to Rhodesia or South Africa the items they need to defend themselves from Peking, Ha vana and Moscow. How diu we get ourselves into this ridiculous position? Let us take as an example the sorry saga of our relations with Rhodesia. A recent guest on the Manion Forum radio program, W. L. Thornton. President of the Southern States Industrial Council, catalogued our his tory of errors as regards Rhodesia: "Rhodesia is an independent country in Southern Africa. Until recently, it was a part of the British Commonwealth. When the Brit ish socialist government brought intolerable pressure on the white citizens of Rhodesia to surrender their sovereignty to the native blacks, the whites quite naturally refused. “To insure their survival in the face of grow ing British pressure and against Communist terrorist attacks from the North, Rhodesia de clared its independence from (ireat Britain on November I I. 1965. (ireat Britain, in an ef fort to keep Rhodesia in the Commonwealth, imposed economic sanctions on Rhodesia and asked us to join her in i oppression ot a free enterprise. anti-Comnuinist nation, and we fol lowed right along like tin tail ol a kite. Ml tln urne ( ireat Britain was trading will* characters whoTiappen to rule the roost in the Kremlin, all of whom have left a long trail of cunning and deceit —and worse —behind them. There is no equally compulsive need to pre tend or to recommend them to the western public as trustworthy men who may be relied upon to honour their pledges and promises, which they have not done in the past for one moment longer than it suited their books. "Heaven help those western leaders who, in their own innate decency, believe that they are dealing with repentant and reformed charac ters in 1969. "President Nixon has suggested that the western ‘fist of defence' should he turned info a hand of friendship’ towards the Soviet Union and has proposed an unfreezing of the old con cepts of East versus West. The Russians, how ever. are showing no inclination to turn their swords into ploughshares hut. on the contrary , they are sharpening them. War games of the Warsaw Pact countries and Russian military exercises are continuously in progress. Just as the four great powers are deliberating on a peace settlement in the Middle East, the Krem lin is building up its Mediterrltnean naval strength to a new peak. "The Khrushchevian promise to bury the West has also just been given a new variant by Marshal Yakubovsky. Commander-in-Chief of the Warsaw Pact forces, who boasted of his ability to launch 'a lightning attack' to smash to pieces imperialist aggressors.' "All this and a lot more in the same trend is accompanied by violent and abusive Soviet diatribes against the West and the United States —Britain and West Germany in particu lar—a propaganda offensive in the worst tradi tion of the cold war. “Such then is 'the real world of today.’ It is not the idyllic one in which the Russian Com .munist wolf lies down with the Western lamb in peaceful co-existence and friendship.”—Ameri can Way Features our enemies in North Vietnam, furnishing them with materials which they used to kill our soldiers in South Vietnam. "Later, (ireat Britain prevailed upon the United Nations to ask all its members to join in economic sanctions on Rhodesia, and through the combined vote ol the Afro-Asian majority in that body, they rammed through Resolution 253 calling tor total sanctions against Rhodesia. I hen President Johnson issued Executive Or der 1 1419 prohibiting U.S. nationals from en gaging in commercial and financial activities that would support the Rhodesian economy. "lhis meant, for one thing, that United States industry could not import Rhodesian chrome ore. Ironically, the U.S. had to turn to the Soviet Union for supplies of chrome. The John:on Administration had no objection to trade with the Soviet Union, though it denied permission for trade with little Rhodesia, a nation that has offered to send a contingent of troops to help tight Communism in Southeast Asia. "Unquestionably there was a double stand ard. the Soviet Union invaded Czechoslovakia on August 20. 1963. It ever there was a time and a target for trade sanctions, it was then. Ihe Johnson Administration could have im posed economic penalties on the Soviet Union and its obedient Iron ( urtain satellites, but it declined to take economic sanctions against these nations, and the United Nations over 'roked the Communist take-over, while it con tinued to demand action against Rhodesia. "President Nixon has an opportunity to eradicate one ot the serious policy mistakes made by the Johnson Administration by re scinding the previous administration's economic sand oils against Rhodesia, and by recognizing the - independence ol Rhodesia " —American Wa\ Features
The Yancey Journal (Burnsville, N.C.)
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June 19, 1969, edition 1
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